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Draft:Re-mosqueing of Hagia Sophia

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  • Please do not hurry to bring article in main namespace..
  • This draft article mainly intends to focus on academic and may be some intellectual discourse in the media about remosqueing of Hagia Sophia.
  • Title is tentative discuss alternate options on the talk page
  • Whether to merge in main Article Hagia Sophia or keep it independent we shall decide after reasonable addition of content, presently just help expand the content.
  • Alternate terms for re-mosqueing used are conversion, reversion or just mosqueing but term re-mosqueing seems to depict trajectory more meticulously of course one can discuss the same on talk page
  • Scope includes
  • a) the tension between the anti-imperialist discourse and Hagia Sophia’s Conversions
  • b) reflections on the Political, Temporal, and Aesthetic Dimensions of Heritage that accompanied the museum’s re conversion
  • c) the language and symbolism of (re)conquest that simultaneously marked the opening celebrations.

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Hagia Sophia (Holy Wisdom) was a Late Antique Christian place of worship in Istanbul, designed by the Greek geometers Isidore of Miletus and Anthemius of Tralles at the order of the eastern Roman emperor Justinian I between 532 and 537.[1] After the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in1453 AD, it was converted into a mosque. In 1935, under the direction of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the secular Republic of Turkey established it as a museum. The building was reconverted into a mosque with Friday prayers on 24 July 2020 under the direction of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.[2]

History

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(Add history of how it became a museum. This can be removed if merged back into main article)

The site of the Hagia Sophia since 360 CE was a church up until and including its third construction when it was built into its current form in 534 CE.[3][4][5][6] Following the Fall of Constantinople Sultan Mehmed II of the Ottoman Empire entered the city and performed the Friday prayer and khutbah (sermon) in Hagia Sophia, and this action marked the official conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque.[7] One of his first acts was the waqf and the preamble states to convert all the churches into mosques and colleges.[8] The Ottoman Empire used it as a mosque thereafter.[citation needed]

Following the Treaty of Sèvres after WWII, it would lead to the Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. At the end of the Turkish War of Independence, the Turkish National Movement's Grand National Assembly voted to separate the caliphate from the sultanate and abolished the latter on 1 November 1922. The Treaty of Lausanne (1923) ended all conflict and replaced previous treaties to constitute modern Turkey.[9][10] The caliphate was abolished in 1924.

In November 1934, Turkey's Council of Ministers voted to make the Hagia Sophia a museum.[11] The cost to repair it, as a favour to the Greeks, as a signal to Europe and the West, and the influence of Byzantinist Thomas Whittemore are reasons why it became a museum.[11]

Reconversion into a mosque

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Since 2018, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had spoken of reverting the status of the Hagia Sophia back to a mosque.[12] On 31 March 2018 Erdoğan recited the first verse of the Quran in the Hagia Sophia, dedicating the prayer to the "souls of all who left us this work as inheritance, especially Istanbul's conqueror," strengthening the political movement to make the buildung a mosque once again, thus reversing Kemal Attaturk's measure of turning the Hagia Sophia into a secular museum.[13] In May 2018, during the 567th anniversary of the conquest of Constantinople, passages from the Quran were read in the Hagia Sophia.[14][15]

In early July 2020, the Council of State of Turkey annulled the Cabinet's 1934 decision to establish the museum, revoking the monument's status, and a subsequent decree by Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ordered the reclassification of Hagia Sophia as a mosque.[16][17][18] According to Turkish Law on Endowments, a property should be used according to the function written in its founding document (waqfiye).[19] The 1934 decree was ruled to be unlawful under both Ottoman and Turkish law, as Hagia Sophia's waqf, endowed by Sultan Mehmed, had designated the site a mosque; proponents of the decision argued the Hagia Sophia was the personal property of the sultan.[20][21][22]

Despite secular and global criticism, Erdoğan signed a decree annulling the Hagia Sophia's museum status, reverting it to a mosque.[23][24] The mosque opened for Friday prayers on 24 July 2020, the 97th anniversary of the signature of the Treaty of Lausanne, which reversed many of the territorial losses Turkey incurred after World War I's Treaty of Sèvres, including ending the Allies' occupation of Constantinople, following the victory of the Turkish Republic in the Turkish War of Independence.[25][26]

This redesignation drew condemnation from the Turkish opposition, UNESCO, the World Council of Churches, the International Association of Byzantine Studies, and many international leaders.[27][28][29][30][31]

Academic studies

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Hina Saleem (2021) study

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A 2021 study led by Hina Saleem analyzed headlines of several prominent Western publications reporting on the reconversion, namely from the Anglo-American sphere; these included "The Hagia Sophia Was a Cathedral, a Mosque, and a Museum. It's Converting Again" (The New York Times, July 22, 2022), "Converting Hagia Sophia into a mosque is an act of cultural cleansing" (The Washington Post, July 15, 2020), "Turkey Retreats From Modernity" (The Wall Street Journal, July 23, 2020), "Turkey’s president is playing religious politics" (The Economist, July 11, 2020), and "Turning the iconic Hagia Sophia into a mosque is a tragedy for travelers" (The Telegraph, July 13, 2020).[32]

Saleem's study argued that the headlines demonstrate a near-unanimous consensus among Western news media that Hagia Sophia’s conversion to a mosque represents Turkey's retreat from Western notions of modernity. According to Saleem, the headlines reflect a widespread belief that Turks are intolerant, which in turn comports with the view that Muslims as a whole are a fundamentalist threat to the world. The study concluded that these Western attitudes are consistent with Edward Said's observations in his 1978 book, Orientalism, namely that Islamic and "Eastern" cultures are commonly depicted in a critical and contemptuous manner reflective of Western imperialist interactions.[32]

Alex Corlu study

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According to Alex Corlu, the remosqueing was the effect of a long campaign, most lately led by Turkey's ruling party, the AKP. Corlu says when President Erdoğan appealed for the reconversion of Hagia Sophia as a “return to its origin” (aslına rücu), Erdoğan resumed another recontextualization of the Hagia Sophia monument and the elevation of only one of many histories of Turkey.[33]

Corlu says while removal of the monument’s museum status has been bragged as proof of Turkey’s sovereignty and a response to the past injustice of turning into museum (musealiza) under western pressure,” the reconversion is also phrased in the language of the “right of the sword,” and symbolism that combines ethnonationalist rhetoric and religious hegemony.[33]

Corlu says, since long some historians have been pointing out that the (the first 1493) conversion of Ayasofya into the royal mosque by Sultan Mehmed II did not constitute an erasure, but, rather, was a re-consecration of the building, and its inclusion—together with that of Eastern Roman imperial heritage—into the then emerging Ottoman context.[33] Corlu says that Hagia Sophia represents a shared heritage and collective memory, there had also been proposals for sharing the building in practice, opening Hagia Sophia for prayers for different communities, on various Christian and Islamic holidays and also sharing with secularity.[33]

Corlu says over the past decade, scholars of the church in the Byzantine era—like Bissera Pentcheva—have begun to understand the intangible heritage of Hagia Sophia, which gives a sensorial experience of the past and goes beyond symbolism and language. In the subsequent Ottoman period Byzantine legacies are both persevered and shied in unexpected ways. For instance, a well-known anecdote: the conquering Sultan Mehmed II upon seeing the great Christian church, apparently thought over the transience of earthly power, but then decided to immortalize himself by converting the Hagia Sophia into his royal mosque.[33]

Fulya Hisarlıoğlu, Chara Karagiannopoulou & Lerna K. Yanık study

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In a joint study by scholars from Kadir Has University, Turkey and Panteion University, Greece; Fulya Hisarlıoğlu, Chara Karagiannopoulou & Lerna K. Yanık explain that re-conversion of Ayasofya from a museum to a mosque is very much a ‘sovereignty performance’ as claimed by Turkey, where as critical Greek reaction to the same is separate alternative conception of sovereignty.[34] In this manner, a monument of cultural heritage became both the symbol and the instrument to claim and question the sovereignty over the very same entity, provoking differing identity articulations about ‘self and other’.[34] The study opines that, 'Government of Turkey re-constructed the narrative believing building (Ayasofya) as the resurrection of a neglected symbol of Ottoman-Islamic cultural and political hegemony, whereas the Greek political and religious elite framed Hagia Sophia’s reconversion as, "the symbolic annihilation of the Christian Orthodox roots of Ayasofya and a populist revolt against ‘universally accepted standards of civilization’. " '[34]

Media influence

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In the spring of 2020 during Covid's first lockdown, a Turkish TV series titled Diriliş: Ertuğrul in Turkish (Resurrection: Ertuğrul in English) became one of the “top ten shows” watched on Netflix in Pakistan.[35] The story is historical fiction set in the late 13th century, and its main character is Ertugrul, a pious warrior Turk who takes on the world to defend his tribe and religion, and becomes the father of Osman I, the founder of the Ottoman Empire (1299). It follows Ertugrul’s adventures across Central Asia as he unmasks "the nefarious plans of Crusaders, pagans, and internal traitors".[35]

Researchers Ihsan Yilmaz and Kainat Shakil assert that the show is much more than entertainment. They write that it has allowed Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his political party (the Justice and Development Party (AKP)) to successfully transmit its narrative of “Islamist civilizationism” to the entire region.[35] "The show depicts Turks as the protagonists dealing with contemporary political issues, “settling” accounts with their enemies as they steadfastly practice the faith of Islam (Sunni Islam)". This has resonated with Islamist populism. The pious, the “ummah”, are divided from "the 'others', such as Western countries, Jews, Indians, Armenians, etc. [which] marks the ummah as the “true people” due to their celestial superiority (Islamism) against the “evil” or “godless” others. ... The ummah is only salvaged from the brink of misery and oppression due to their strong Islamist ideals that are embodied in a jihad of nafs (the inner self) and sword (enemies of Islam, both internal and external)".[35]

Renuka Narayanan says that, while the television series provides an interesting window into the imagined Muslim culture of the 13th century, it amounts to a state-endorsed vigorous promotion of Islamic revivalism by the Turkish government.[36] Episodes are peppered with the word kafir or infidel.[36] Ertrugrul’s aide Bamsi, otherwise a captivating character, jokes ad nauseam about killing non-Muslims, and Ertrugrul constantly declares his ambition of making the whole world Muslim.[36] His enemies, be they Christian or Mongol, are portrayed as amoral and cruel.[36] The script even takes a subtle dig at Iranians by naming a slimy trader-spy ‘Afrosiyab’ after a Persian hero.[36]

The show has constructed a populist cultural identity that both crosses and surpasses nationalism. According to Yilmaz and Shakil, this has created "a highly effective emotional instrument of division [that] can be used to galvanize popular support in the international arena". Indeed, they say Turkey has already done so.[35]

Narayanan contemplates that the re-mosqueing of Hagia Sophia is a result of the strong influence of "reel life on real life", bemoaned by writers like Orhan Pamuk and moderates in Turkish society.[36] According to Anne-Christine Hoff, the Anatolia Youth Association collected fifteen million signatories for a petition calling for the re-mosqueing in 2014 because it was believed that the Ayasofya is the symbol of Istanbul's conquest for the Islamic world, and that without (re-mosqueing) it, the conquest would have been incomplete.[37][better source needed]

Yilmaz and Shakil have also concluded that the name of Istanbul and the Haggia Sophia, which was recently “reconquered” by the AKP government when it was re-converted to a mosque, "now represents the land of the “true” and “fierce” Muslims ...".[35]

Bibliography

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  • Karakaya, Yagmur. Erdogan’s neo-Ottoman nostalgia. Bevernage, Berber & et al. Eds. Claiming the People's Past: Populist Politics of History in the Twenty-First Century. United Kingdom, Cambridge University Press, 2024. Review
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  • Bahar Rumelili & Nasuh Sofuoglu (2024) Ontological Insecurity and the Return of the Greek-Turkish Conflicts: Reconfiguring Hagia Sophia as an Ontic Space, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, Taylor and Francis online, DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2024.2318679
  • Merdjanova, Ina (2023) "Hagia Sophia, Religious Freedom, and the Destruction of the Christian Cultural Heritage in Turkey," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 43  : Iss. 8 , Article 6. DOI: https://doi.org/10.55221/2693-2148.2469
  • A Museum Made Mosque Postsecularism and the Case of Istanbul's Hagia Sophia  ByStéphanie MachabéeBookThe Future of Religious Heritage
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  • Iğsız, Aslı. "Rethinking the Greco-Turkish Population Exchange in the Civilizationist Present." Journal of Modern Greek Studies, vol. 40 no. 2, 2022, p. 271-298. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/mgs.2022.0022.
  • Karaiskou, V. (2022). Memory Landscapes and Stories of Shame: The Coexistence of Greece, Cyprus and Turkey as an Affective “Mission Impossible” . In: Gerodimos, R. (eds) Interdisciplinary Applications of Shame/Violence Theory. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05570-6_12 *
  • Azak, Umut. "‘The Hagia Sophia Cause’ and the Emergence of Ottomanism in the 1950s". Turkish Historical Review 13.1-2 (2022): 100-121. https://doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10037 Web.Brill*
  • https://www.eliamep.gr/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Policy-paper-109-Danforth-final.pdf A Contested Conquest: The Many Meanings of 1453 in Turkish Political Rhetoric*
  • Hakan Tarhan. Embodied ideologies: Hagia Sophia contended status between mosque and museum . 25, 2022, pp. 519-539 ISSN 2039-2362 (online); DOI: 10.13138/2039-2362/2761
  • Pentcheva, Bissera V. "Hagia Sophia: Byzantine Alterity in the Core of Ottoman Identity." Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, vol. 8 no. 1, 2021, p. 223-233. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/article/845958.
  • Yosmaoǧlu, İpek Kocaömer. "History, Memory, and the Hagia Sophia Controversy." Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association, vol. 8 no. 1, 2021, p. 235-242. Project MUSE muse.jhu.edu/article/845959.
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  • Hagia Sophia Past and Future ~ Ziad Jamaleddine
  • Hagia Sophia and the battle over Turkey’s past , Apollo Magazine ~ John Lansdowne
  • Hagia Sophia and Mosque Politics – by Nebahat Avcıoğlu
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  • Heritage and Identity Via "Conquest:" The Hagia Sophia and Multiple Challenges Facing Scholars and the Public in Processing Its Role ~ Axel Corlu
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  • Amjad-Ali, Charles. “The Historical Vicissitudes of Hagia Sophia: From Church to Mosque to Museum, and Back to Mosque.” Journal of World Christianity, vol. 11, no. 1, Penn State University Press, 2021, pp. 131–59, https://doi.org/10.5325/jworlchri.11.1.0131.
  • Akan, Murat. "Floating Sophia, Polarizing to Abeyance, Waqf-izing the State". Journal of Muslims in Europe 10.2 (2021): 123-145. https://doi.org/10.1163/22117954-BJA10026 Web.
  • Turkish Imperialism: Erdoğan's "Second Conquest" of the Christians by Anne-Christine Hoff Middle East Quarterly Fall 2021
  • Hina Saleem, Fatima Iftikhar, Maria Arif, Asad Ullah Javed, Sobia Akram. (2021). ISLAM IN WEST: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE WESTERN NEWSPAPER HEADLINES REGARDING HAGIA SOPHIA’S CONVERSION INTO A MOSQUE. PalArch’s Journal of Archaeology of Egypt / Egyptology, 18(08), 1829-1844. Retrieved from https://archives.palarch.nl/index.php/jae/article/view/9027
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  • Retrieving the new from the legacy of history Discourse and symbols of history in Modern Turkey Author(s): Alper Çakmak1ORCID icon, M. İnanç Özekmekçi2 Source: Journal of Language and Politics Available online: 20 April 2021 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19076.cak
  • Yilmaz, Ihsan; Shakil, Kainat (2021). "Transnational Islamist Populism between Pakistan and Turkey: The Case of Dirilis – Ertugrul" (PDF). European Center for Populism Studies. Retrieved 17 December 2021.

Discussions

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Further reading

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  • Özkaya, Ayşe Belgin. Hagia Sophia and the Crisis of Cultural Heritage. 2021, https://aestheticsforbirds.com/2022/01/13/hagia-sophia-and-cultural-heritage/
  • Neo-Ottoman Imaginaries in Contemporary Turkey. Germany, Springer International Publishing, 2022.
  • Fulya Hisarlıoğlu, Chara Karagiannopoulou & Lerna K. Yanık (14 Feb 2024): Identity, Cultural Heritage and the Politics of Sovereignty: Narrating Turkey and Greece Through Ayasofya, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2024.2318675
  • Barış Altan, Changing approaches to Turkey's Byzantine heritage, The Routledge International Handbook of Heritage and Politics, 2024, eBook ISBN 9781003300984.
  • Muhammad Irfan Tasbih, Hagia Sophia symbol of Islamic civilisation in Turkey. Journal Tazkir https://doi.org/10.24952/tazkir.v10i1.10970
  • Tokdoğan, Nagehan . (2024). Istanbul as the Symbolic Space of the Neo-Ottomanist Narrative: Nostalgia, Romanticism and Domestic Imperial Greed. In: Neo-Ottomanism and the Politics of Emotions in Turkey. Palgrave Studies in Political Psychology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-48723-1_5
  • Dorroll, Courtney, and Dorroll, Philip. Spatial Politics in Istanbul: Turning Points in Contemporary Turkey. United Kingdom, Edinburgh University Press, 2025.
  • Walton, J. F. (2024). Spatial politics in Istanbul: turning points in contemporary Turkey: by Courtney Dorroll and Philip Dorroll, Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press, 2023, 280 pp., $110 (cloth), ISBN 9781399503372. Turkish Studies, 25(3), 570–573. https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2024.2328507
  • Sadettin Demirel, Elif Kahraman & Uğur Gündüz (2024) A text mining analysis of the change in status of the Hagia Sophia on Twitter: the political discourse and its reflections on the public opinion, Atlantic Journal of Communication, 32:1, 63-90, DOI: 10.1080/15456870.2022.2093354
  • Bryan Givens. The Declinación of the Hidden One. Encubertismo during the Reigns of the Later Spanish Habsburgs; Constructing Iberian Identities, 1000–1700 Pages: pp. 107-120 https://doi.org/10.1484/M.CURSOR-EB.5.126180
  • Gülru Necipoğlu, “The Life of an Imperial Monument: Hagia Sophia after Byzantium,” in Hagia Sophia from the Age of Justinian to the Present, edited by Robert Mark and Ahmed Ş. Çakmak (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 195–225
  • https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/mar/04/mezquita-hagia-sophia-two-sacred-symbols-culture-wars-belie-complex-history
  • Wasserstein, David J. . 'Churches, mosques, and glasshouses: The hypocrisy over Hagia Sophia'. ABC Religion & Ethics
  • Editors: Ahmet S. Çakmak, Robert Mark The Hagia Sophia: From the Age of Justinian to the Present. United Kingdom, Cambridge University Press, 1992.
  • Gülru Necipoğlu The life of an imperial monument. Hagia Sophia from the Age of Justinian to the Present (scholar.harvard.edu)

Author brief

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  • Belgin Turan Özkaya is a professor of architectural history in the Department of Architecture at Middle East Technical University.
  • David J. Wasserstein is Professor of History at Vanderbilt University.

See also

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References

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  1. ^ Kleiner, Fred S.; Christin J. Mamiya (2008). Gardner's Art Through the Ages: Volume I, Chapters 1–18 (12th ed.). Mason, OH: Wadsworth. p. 329. ISBN 978-0-495-46740-3.
  2. ^ Croke, Brian (2021-11-23). Flashpoint Hagia Sophia. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-003-16928-4.
  3. ^ Müller-Wiener (1977), p. 84.
  4. ^ Alessandro E. Foni; George Papagiannakis; Nadia Magnentat-Thalmann. "Virtual Hagia Sophia: Restitution, Visualization and Virtual Life Simulation" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 July 2007. Retrieved 3 July 2007.
  5. ^ Crawford, Peter (2019). Roman Emperor Zeno: The Perils of Power Politics in Fifth-Century Constantinople. Newburyport: Pen & Sword Books. p. 14. ISBN 978-1-4738-5927-2. OCLC 1206400173.
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  13. ^ Turkish President Erdoğan recites Islamic prayer at the Hagia Sophia Hürriyet.
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  30. ^ "World reacts to Turkey reconverting Hagia Sophia into a mosque". Al Jazeera. 10 July 2020. Retrieved 10 July 2020.
  31. ^ "Byzantine News, Issue 33, July 2020". us17.campaign-archive.com. Retrieved 2020-07-25.
  32. ^ a b Saleem, Hina; Iftikhar, Fatima; Arif, Maria; Javed, Asad Ullah; Akram, Sobia (2021-06-12). "ISLAM IN WEST: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE WESTERN NEWSPAPER HEADLINES REGARDING HAGIA SOPHIA'S CONVERSION INTO A MOSQUE". PalArch’s Journal of Archaeology of Egypt/Egyptology. 18 No. 08 (2021): 1829–1844 – via archives.palarch.nl.
  33. ^ a b c d e Corlu, Axel (2020-01-01). "Heritage and Identity Via "Conquest:" The Hagia Sophia and Multiple Challenges Facing Scholars and the Public in Processing Its Role". Hagia Sophia's Conversions: Reflections on Political, Temporal and Aesthetic Dimensions of Heritage.
  34. ^ a b c Hisarlıoğlu, Fulya; Karagiannopoulou, Chara; Yanık, Lerna K. (2024-02-14). "Identity, Cultural Heritage and the Politics of Sovereignty: Narrating Turkey and Greece Through Ayasofya". Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies: 1–20. doi:10.1080/19448953.2024.2318675. ISSN 1944-8953.
  35. ^ a b c d e f Yilmaz and Shakil.
  36. ^ a b c d e f "Why A Medieval Nomad Is In Vogue Today". www.speakingtree.in. Retrieved 2021-10-02.
  37. ^ Hoff, Anne-Christine (2021-09-01). "Turkish Imperialism: Erdoğan's "Second Conquest" of the Christians". Middle East Quarterly.

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[discuss]

  • Hermeneutics about re-mosqueing of Hagia Sophia
  • Intellectual discourse over re-conversion of Hagia Sophia
  • Hermeneutics about re-conversion of Hagia Sophia
  • Intellectual discourse over reversion of Hagia Sophia
  • Hermeneutics about reversion of Hagia Sophia
  • Intellectual discourse over reconsecration of Hagia Sophia
  • Hermeneutics about reconsecration of Hagia Sophia
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