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Race suicide

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For other uses, see Race suicide (disambiguation).
B&W photo of a family of 7
A newspaper photograph from 1919 of Joseph Patrick Tumulty with his wife and six children, under the headline "President Wilson's Private Secretary Is Not an Advocate of Race Suicide"

Race suicide was an alarmist eugenicist theory, coined by American sociologist Edward A. Ross around 1900 and promoted by, among others, Harry J. Haiselden.[1] According to the American Eugenics Archive, "race suicide" conceptualizes a hypothetical situation in which the death rate of a particular "race" supersedes its birth rate.[2]

As a propagandistic theory akin to white genocide, race suicide was mechanized to induce fear in dominant and/or majority "races" (i.e. the "white race") that their community was dying off and being replaced by more fertile immigrant "races". This term was likewise deployed to proliferate the ideology of Eugenics among the international public throughout the 20th century.[2] Moreover, the concept of "race suicide" predominantly placed blame on women, as supposed agents of reproduction. With its roots in Nordicism, the application of this alarmist theory varied based on the targeted community and/or country.[3]

Eugenics

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Main article: Eugenics

The theory of race suicide is fundamentally rooted in and influenced by the internationally popularized and pseudoscientific theory of Eugenics, which advocates for the universal improvement of the human gene pool through the elimination of certain "races" deemed "unfit" for reproduction.[4] In the United States, "unfit" races have historically included minorities such as immigrants and African Americans, people with mental and physical disabilities, people in poverty, institutionalized people, and/or people convicted of crimes. Eugenics sought to eliminate these people, such that their "undesirable traits and behaviors" would be effectively weeded out of the human population over time.[4]

Race suicide rhetoric induced fear in dominant groups and institutions by eliciting Eugenics and suggesting that these "undesirable" and "unfit" racial groups were proliferating, while the "desirable" and "fit" racial groups were essentially "killing themselves" by failing to sufficiently reproduce.[5] As a result of fear-mongering, race suicide theorists in the 20th century turned to socio-political institutions, pseudoscientific propaganda, and social policy.[6] They believed that such policies would supposedly prevent race suicide before the "unfit" racial groups replaced the "fit" ones. In doing so, they gave rise the theory of Eugenics.[5][6]

In this age of international eugenic propaganda, "Race suicide theorists believed that natural evolutionary dynamics were disrupted in the age of industry, and that social policy was needed to ensure that the supposedly superior 'races' did not disappear."[2] This propaganda ran throughout newspapers and educational spaces. This eugenic propaganda also contributed to conversations pertaining to forced sterilization of the "unfit", "hypersexual", and those with "hereditary defectiveness".[7] For example, S. Fred Hogue first released his weekly pro-eugenics column in the Los Angeles Times Sunday Magazine in 1935. In one column entitled "Shall We Halt Race Suicide", he wrote: "It is self-evident that if the unfit are to be permitted to reproduce at the present alarming rate, they will wreck civilization ... To prevent this form of race suicide, it is absolutely essential that the unfit shall not be permitted to continue to reproduce their kind."[7]

Racialized women

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Hypersexualization of women of color

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The first element to disentangling "race suicide" and the racialization of women of color is hypersexualization. Hypersexualization is an objectifying portrayal of people, most often women, usually of color, as excessively sexual. The objectification was instrumental in perpetuating concerns of race suicide because many people assumed women of color were reproducing at higher rates and seducing white men, therefore reducing the white race's size – a pseudoscientific "fact" with no basis in truth.[8]

Immigration

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The hypersexualization of women of color was not only socially perpetuated but was systemically ingrained into U.S. institutions. For instance, the first immigration legislation that set the parameters for who could enter the country was the Page Act of 1875.[9] This law barred Chinese women from migrating to the U.S. out of fear that they were immoral and diseased prostitutes.[9] The 1924 Johnson-Reed Act, which was passed partly to "combat the specter race suicide",[10]: 352  brought this to an extreme by banning all Asian Americans. More broadly, the Act engaged in a racialized operation of tightening the borders by setting national quotas for immigrants. This "hardened anti-Black racism and turned Asians and Latino/as into immutable others".[10]: 353  To help pass such laws, influential scientific figures like Harry H. Laughlin testified before Congress, warning of a race suicide if such dynamics, partly based on an assumption of hypersexuality, prevailed and immigration law failed to be strong enough.[10]: 357 

Incarceration

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Incarceration institutions perpetuated ideas of hypersexuality. Jails imprisoned women for deviating from norms of sexuality. Black people, especially during the Jim Crow era, were sent to prisons at disproportionate rates.[11] When these women of color were incarcerated, they were not sent to reformatories like white women, but rather, they resided in custodial prisons like men.[11]

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A promotional flyer for The Black Stork

Case law provides additional evidence for hypersexual racialization and race suicide anxieties. Rhinelander v. Rhinelander (1925), for instance, painted a Black woman as a hypersexual "vamp" who took advantage of her white husband.[12] The white man, Leo Rhinelander, claimed that his wife lied about her ancestry. The trial lawyers portrayed Alice Jones as a "sexually aggressive woman who seduced the younger Leo Rhinelander".[12]: 167  This is the image of a "vamp", which is a woman who seduces men, most often applied specifically to women of color.[12] The case echoed societal fears of race corruption, specifically that white men's relations with hypersexual black women could inevitably contribute to "'race suicide' or the demise of the white race".[12]: 170  On the cultural side, films like The Black Stork crafted images of seductive enslaved women,[13] while the Dragon Lady and Lotus Blossom cinematic stereotypes villainized Asian American women as temptresses.[9] Institutional and cultural mechanisms in the U.S. worked in tandem to promote the image of women of color as hypersexualized and thus threatening to the survival of the white race.

Hysteria

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Main article: Hysteria

A common diagnosis in the earlier twentieth century dubbed "hysteria" also played a role in the racialization of women and, in turn, racial suicide fears. Hysteria was an illness apparently plaguing white, upper-class women.[14] The sickness purportedly caused (white) women to be frail, weak, and not reproduce, which endangered the longevity of the white race.[14]

Hysteria played into racializing dynamics largely because the chief cause was the "overcivilization" of white women, which was put in a binary opposition to hardy "savages" – a category for women of color.[14] Examples of this dynamic are evident in the American Journal of Obstetrics during the 1880s. For instance, George J. Engelmann[14] published several articles that concluded these "primitive" (Black, Mexican, Native American, Asian American, poor Appalachian white) and "savage" women experienced labor as "short and easy", compared to overcivilized white women.[15] Joseph Johnson gathered similar observations, specifically on enslaved women, noting that there were "surprisingly few preternatural or instrumental cases [forceps deliveries] among them".[16] Doctor Lucien Warner explicitly tied race and gender when he explicated that Black women and other immigrants were robust workers who had "comparative immunity from uterine disease" relative to white women.[17] Overall, George Beard best summarized these dynamics in 1881 when explicitly surmised, "nervous disease scarcely exists among savages or barbarians, or semi-barbarians or partially civilized people".[18]

The categorization and diagnosis of hysteria were founded in societal and "scientific" ideas that women of color, savage women, were robust, strong, fertile, and threatening – partly related to their hypersexuality, as many evolutionary theories pointed to hypersexuality as a sign of being uncivilized,[19] and partly related to their innate "savagery". Upper-class white women were weak, fragile, nervous, and infertile. These dynamics, where women of color were fertile and birthing while hysterical white women were not, inevitably exacerbated race suicide concerns.[14]: 266 

Language & political implications

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Race suicide rhetoric in the U.S.

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Early race suicide rhetoric in the United States suggested a differential birth rate between native-born Protestant and immigrant Catholic women, or more generally between the "fit" (white, wealthy, educated Protestants) and the "unfit" (poor, uneducated, criminals, diseased, disabled, minorities). Fear-mongering tactics relied on the idea that the "fit" group would ultimately dwindle to the point of extinction if they did not adopt an urgency to reproduce. This rhetoric was later extended to further entrench the eugenic claim that African Americans and other immigrants "races" with growing populations were "unfit," "hypersexual," and "dangerous."[20]

In 1902, Theodore Roosevelt, the President of the United States, called race suicide "fundamentally infinitely more important than any other question in this country," arguing to the American public that "the man or woman who deliberately avoids marriage, and has a heart so cold as to know no passion and a brain so shallow and selfish as to dislike having children, is in effect a criminal against the race, and should be an object of contemptuous abhorrence by all healthy people." Likewise, in 1905, he argued that a man or woman who is childless by choice "merits contempt."[21][22]

This 1908 book by Alice Freeman Lusk challenged and pushed back against Theodore Roosevelt and society's traditional gender roles for women.

This political agenda further targeted women and criticized them for choosing not to fulfill their "duty" of getting married and having children and thus maintaining the White population. In contrast, the growing non-White population was overly exaggerated in order to frame the situation as an alarming matter.[23] Many newspaper articles claimed that this great increase was a threat that these non-White groups would have greater participation and more of an influence in politics in the future.[24] In contrast, women who left a "legacy" after their death by having numerous children, and subsequently, grandchildren and great-grandchildren, were openly praised for helping to "fight against" the idea of race suicide.[25]

Media and culture

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As the teddy bear, which was named after Theodore Roosevelt, increased in popularity, some individuals were worried that young girls who did not play with dolls as often would lose their "motherly instincts". Criticism of the teddy bear was another form of fear mongering, as these people claimed it contributed to the concept of race suicide.[26]

In response to Theodore Roosevelt's public warning against the idea of race suicide, some individuals also extended this concept, suggesting restrictions not only on non-White races, but also to individuals in lower economic classes due to "economic and educational reasons".[27] It was no longer only political figures, but also ministers, educators, and other individuals in leadership positions who were pushing for legislation to encourage White Americans to marry and have children.[28] For example, Alexander Graham Bell publicly expressed his support for this agenda.[29]

The 1938 movie Race Suicide criticized women who chose not to get married or have children, with the line "Are Modern Women Cheaters?" standing out in its movie poster.[30]

An illustration by Ehrhart showing storks contributing to or working against race suicide (1903).

Many propaganda images were also created and distributed through avenues, such as newspapers. A popular symbol that was used was the stork, a bird often associated with the idea of "bringing babies". One example is an illustration from 1903 created by Samuel D. Ehrhart, which is displayed to the right. It depicted an "idle" stork of the upper class not fulfilling its duty, while the "strenuous" stork of the lower class was constantly working and increasing that population.[31]

Race suicide rhetoric in Canada

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Similarly in Canada, W. Stewart Wallace, the author of "The Canadian Immigration Policy," endorsed the idea of race suicide. "The Canadian Immigration Policy" cited the native-born population's "struggle to keep up appearances in the face of the increasing competition" as a purported cause of its low birth rate. Wallace claimed that immigrants did not increase a nation's population but merely replaced it.[32]

See also

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References

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  1. ^ Washington, Harriet A. (2008). Medical Apartheid: The dark history of medical experimentation on Black Americans from colonial times to the present (1st ed.). New York: Harlem Moon.
  2. ^ a b c "The Eugenics Archive". 2018-01-13. Retrieved 2024-03-19.
  3. ^ Bashford, Alison (2014). Global population: history, geopolitics, and life on earth. Columbia studies in international and global history. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-14766-8.
  4. ^ a b Leonard, Thomas C. (2005-11-01). "Retrospectives: Eugenics and Economics in the Progressive Era". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 19 (4): 207–224. doi:10.1257/089533005775196642. ISSN 0895-3309.
  5. ^ a b Arce, Debbie; Simmons, Dana (2018). "The Vagrancy of Race Suicide Through the Early Twentieth Century: Reimagining Fear". UC Riverside Undergraduate Research Journal Submit. 12 (1). doi:10.5070/rj5121039157. ISSN 2639-4103.
  6. ^ a b Caron, Simone M. (2008-03-01). "Race Suicide, Eugenics, and Contraception, 1900–1930". Who Chooses?. University Press of Florida. pp. 44–80. doi:10.5744/florida/9780813031996.003.0003. ISBN 978-0-8130-3199-6. Retrieved 2024-03-19.
  7. ^ a b Stern, Alexandra Minna (2021-02-28). "Op-Ed: How the Los Angeles Times shilled for the racist eugenics movement". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2024-03-27.
  8. ^ King, Miriam; Steven, Ruggles (Winter 1990). "American Immigration, Fertility, and Race Suicide at the Turn of the Century" (PDF). Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 20 (3): 364. doi:10.2307/204082. JSTOR 204082.
  9. ^ a b c Hwang, Maria Cecilia; Parreñas, Rhacel Salazar (July 14, 2021). "The Gendered Racialization of Asian Women as Villainous Temptresses". Gender & Society. 35 (4): 572. doi:10.1177/08912432211029395.
  10. ^ a b c Stern, Alexandra Minna (September 2022). "From 'Race Suicide' to 'White Extinction': White Nationalism, Nativism, and Eugenics over the Past Century". Journal of American History. 109 (2).
  11. ^ a b Ben-Moshe, Liat; Chapman, Chris; Carey, Allison (May 29, 2014). Disability Incarcerated. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 9–10.
  12. ^ a b c d Wacks, Jamie L. (October 19, 2000). "Reading Race, Rhetoric, and the Female Body in the Rhinelander Case". In Werner, Sollors (ed.). Interracialism: Black-White Intermarriage in American History, Literature, and Law. Oxford University Press. pp. 162–167.
  13. ^ Washington, Harriet A. (January 8, 2008). Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present. Vintage. p. 192.
  14. ^ a b c d e Briggs, Laura (June 2000). "The Race of Hysteria: 'Overcivilization' and the 'Savage; Woman in Late Nineteenth-Century Obstetrics and Gynecology". American Quarterly. 52 (2): 247–266. doi:10.1353/aq.2000.0013. JSTOR 30041838. PMID 16858900.
  15. ^ These examples are taken from Briggs (2000), citing the following articles: George J. Engelmann, "The Instinctive or Natural and Physiological Position of Woman in Labor", American Journal of Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children 13 (1880): 902–905; "Pregnancy, Parturition, and Childbed Among Primitive People", American Journal of Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children 14 (1881): 603–618, 827–847; "The Third Stage of Labor: An Ethnological Study", American Journal of Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children, 15 (1882): 303–322; "Massage and Expression or External Manipulation in the Obstetric Practice of Primitive People", American Journal of Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children, 15 (1882): 601–625.
  16. ^ Briggs (2000), citing Joseph Taber Johnson, "Apparent Peculiarities of Parturition in the Negro Race, with Remarks on Race Pelves in General", American Journal of Obstetrics and Diseases of Women and Children 8 (1875): 93–94.
  17. ^ Lucien Warner, A Popular Treatise on the Functions and Diseases of Women (New York: Manhattan Publishing, 1874), 109, cited in Barbara Ehrenreich and Dierdre English, Complaints and Disorders, 114.
  18. ^ George Beard, American Nervousness, 92.
  19. ^ Harris, Lesile J (August 6, 2020). "'Whores' and 'Hottentots': Protection of (white) women and white supremacy in anti-suffrage rhetoric". Quarterly Journal of Speech. 106 (3): 253–257.
  20. ^ Caron, Simone M. (2008). "Race Suicide, Eugenics, and Contraception, 1900–1930." Who chooses? American reproductive history since 1830. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. ISBN 978-0-8130-3199-6. OCLC 173243788.
  21. ^ "The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Woman Who Toils By Mrs. John Van Horst and Miss Marie Van Horst". www.gutenberg.org. Retrieved 2024-03-19.
  22. ^ Dyer, Thomas G. (1992). "Race Suicide" Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race (Louisiana paperback ed., 1. [Dr.] ed.). Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-8071-1808-5.
  23. ^ Henderson, Lisa Y. (2016-03-18). "Opposes race suicide. (Har! Har!)". Scuffalong: Genealogy. Retrieved 2024-03-30.
  24. ^ Curtin, Roland (1903-06-19). "The Doctor's Part In Race Suicide". Ann Arbor Argus-Democrat. Retrieved 2024-03-30.
  25. ^ "No Race Suicide Here". The Charlotte News. 1905-08-10. p. 5. Retrieved 2024-03-30.
  26. ^ "AS CARTOONIST SEES TEDDY BEAR SITUATION". Reno Gazette-Journal. 1907-07-13. p. 4. Retrieved 2024-03-30.
  27. ^ "WANTS RICH TO HAVE LARGE FAMILIES". Alexandria Gazette. 1907-09-21. p. 1. Retrieved 2024-03-30.
  28. ^ King, Miriam; Ruggles, Steven (1990). "American immigration, fertility, and race suicide at the turn of the century" (PDF). The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 20 (3): 347–369. doi:10.2307/204082. JSTOR 204082. PMID 11617376.
  29. ^ Bell, Alexander Graham (November 1920). Alexander Graham Bell family papers, 1834-1974. pp. 339–341.
  30. ^ Luby, S. Roy, Race Suicide (Drama), Willy Castello, Lona Andre, Carleton Young, Willis Kent Productions, retrieved 2024-03-30
  31. ^ "Concerning race suicide / Ehrhart". Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. Retrieved 2024-03-30.
  32. ^ Wallace, W.S. (1906). "Examination of Our Immigration Policy". University of Toronto Monthly. 6: 150–155.

Further reading

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  • Walker, Francis A. (August 1891). "Immigration and Degradation". The Forum. Vol. 11. pp. 634–44.
  • "An Assault on Free Speech". The Butte Daily Post. November 20, 1900. The other subject, and the one that gave offense to Mrs. Stanford, was a discussion of the coolie labor problem, in which Dr. Ross strongly favored a continuance of the policy of restricted immigration from the Orient, such as the republican party is pledged to. He said [...] 'To let this go on, to let the American be driven by coolie competition, to check the American birth-rate in order that the Japanese' birth-rate shall not be checked, to let an opportunity for one American boy be occupied by three Orientals so that the American will not add that boy to his family, is to reverse the current of progress, to commit race suicide.'
  • Ross, Edward A. (1901). "The Causes of Race Superiority". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 18: 67–89. doi:10.1177/000271620101800104. ISSN 0002-7162. JSTOR 1009883.
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