Lily-white movement

The Lily-White Movement was an anti-black political movement within the Republican Party in the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It was a response to the political and socioeconomic gains made by African-Americans following the Civil War and the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which eliminated slavery and involuntary servitude ("except as punishment for a crime").^[1]

During Reconstruction, Black leaders in the South gained influence in the Republican Party by organizing Black people as an important voting bloc via Union Leagues and the biracial black-and-tan faction of the Republicans. Conservative whites attempted to eliminate this influence and recover white voters who had defected to the Democratic Party. The Lily-White Movement proved successful throughout the South and was a key factor in the growth of the Republican Party in the region.^[2]

Terminology

The term Lily-White Movement was coined by black Texas Republican leader Norris Wright Cuney, who used the term in an 1888 state Republican convention to describe efforts by White conservatives to oust black people from positions of Texas Republican party leadership and incite riots to divide the party.^[3]

The term came to be used nationally to describe this ongoing movement as it further developed in the early 20th century.^[4]

Background

Immediately following the war, all of the Southern states enacted "Black Codes," laws intended specifically to curtail the rights of the newly freed African Americans. Many Northern states enacted their own "Black Codes" restricting or barring black immigration.^[5] The Civil Rights Act of 1866, however, nullified most of these laws, and the federal Freedman's Bureau was able to regulate many of the affairs of Southern black men, who were granted the right to vote in 1867. Groups such as the Union League and the Radical Republicans sought total equality and complete integration of Black People into American society. The Republican Party itself held significant power in the South during Reconstruction because of the federal government's role.^[6]

During Reconstruction, Union Leagues were formed across the South after 1867 as all-black working auxiliaries of the Republican Party. They were secret organizations that mobilized freedmen to register to vote and to vote Republican. They discussed political issues, promoted civic projects, and mobilized workers opposed to certain employers. Most branches were segregated, but a few were integrated. The leaders of the all-black units were mostly urban Black People from the North who had never been enslaved. Historian Eric Foner reports:^[7]

By the end of 1867 it seemed that virtually every black voter in the south had enrolled in the Union League, the Loyal League, or some equivalent local political organization. Meetings were generally held in a black church or school.
— Eric Foner, Black Leaders of the Nineteenth Century

During the 19th century, a small number of African Americans were elected to the United States Congress; all were members of the Republican Party. In the South, the party was a voting coalition of Freedmen (freed slaves), Carpetbaggers (derogatory term used by southern whites for recent arrivals from the north), and Scalawags (derogatory term describing those southern whites who had been loyal to the US during the Civil War). In the South, the Republican Party gradually came to be known as "the party of the Negro."^[8] In Texas, Black People comprised 90% of the party members during the 1880s.^[9]

The Democratic Party increasingly came to be seen by many in the white community as the party of respectability.^[8] The first Ku Klux Klan targeted violence against black Republican leaders and seriously undercut the Union League.^[10]

Republican factionalism

Black Republicans increasingly demanded more and more offices at the expense of the Scalawags. The more numerous Black-and-tan element typically won the factional battles; many Scalawags joined the opposing lily-whites or switched to the Democrats.^[11]^[12]

Following the death of Texas Republican leader Edmund J. Davis in 1883, black civil rights leader Norris Wright Cuney rose to the Republican chairmanship in Texas, becoming a national committeeman in 1889.^[13] While black Americans were a minority overall in Texas, Cuney's rise to this position caused a backlash among white conservative Republicans in other areas, leading to the Lily-whites becoming a more organized, nationwide effort. Cuney himself coined the term "Lily-White Movement" to describe rapidly intensifying organized efforts by white conservatives to oust black Republicans from positions of party leadership and incite riots to divide the party.^[14] Some authors contend that the effort was coordinated with Democrats as part of a larger movement toward disenfranchisement of Black people in the South by increasing restrictions in voter registration rules.^[15]

Downfall of black Republicans

By 1890, with a few brief exceptions, the Democratic Party had gained control of all state legislatures in the South. From 1890 to 1908, Southern states accomplished disenfranchisement of Black people and—in some states—many poor whites.^[16]

From 1901 through 1928, no Black people served in the U.S. Congress due to their disenfranchisement across the South.^[17] (In 1928, Oscar De Priest was elected US Representative from Illinois.^[18]) Black leaders were barred in 1922 from the Virginia Republican Congressional Convention; the state had imposed racial segregation in public places and disenfranchised most Black people by this time.^[19]

At the national level, the Republican Party made some attempts to respond to black interests.^[20]^[21] In 1920, Republicans made opposition to lynching part of their platform at the Republican National Convention. Lynchings of black women and men in the South had increased in the decades around the turn of the 20th century.^[22] Leonidas C. Dyer, a white Republican Representative from St. Louis, Missouri, worked with the NAACP to introduce an anti-lynching bill into the House, where he gained strong passage in 1922.^[23] One of the black-and-tan partisans who continued to hold appointed office was Walter L. Cohen of New Orleans, the customs inspector and later comptroller of customs. He gained appointments from four Republican presidents and continued in office through the Calvin Coolidge administration.^[24]

During the NAACP national convention in 1926, the delegates expressed their disappointment with the party:^[25]

Our political salvation and our social survival lie in our absolute independence of party allegiance in politics and the casting of our vote for our friends and against our enemies whoever they may be and whatever party labels they carry.
— NAACP, 1926 Convention

Aftermath

Lily-white/black-and-tan factionalism flared up in 1928,^[26] when Herbert Hoover tried to appeal to upper-class southern whites; and again in 1932 as the New Deal coalition built by Franklin D. Roosevelt and the pro-civil rights voice of Eleanor Roosevelt began to attract African-American voters to the Democratic Party.^[27] Due to Harry Truman's proposal for comprehensive civil rights legislation and his anti-segregationist policies, and for support for the civil rights movement and Congressional passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 under Lyndon Johnson, the shift of African Americans toward Democratic candidates accelerated.^[28]

According to author and professor Michael K. Fauntroy, the Lily-White Movement is one of the darkest and most "under-examined [eras] of American Republicanism".^[29]^[30]

Important figures

Lily-white leaders:

James P. Newcomb, Republican Secretary of State of Texas between 1870 and 1874, journalist, and longtime influential Texas party leader.^[31]
Jeter C. Pritchard, Republican U.S. Senator from western North Carolina between 1895 and 1903.^[32]
William Howard Taft, Republican President between 1909 and 1913, who sought to expand Republican appeal in the South by eliminating black involvement.^[33]
Herbert Hoover, Republican President between 1929 and 1933. He had alliances with black leaders, but broke with them in 1928 to gain Lily-white support in the South.^[34]

Leading opponents:

Booker T. Washington, president of Tuskegee Institute in Alabama; he had close ties to leading Republicans and was a force in black politics.^[35]

References

^ "U.S. Constitution – Thirteenth Amendment | Resources | Constitution Annotated | Congress.gov | Library of Congress". constitution.congress.gov. Retrieved 2 February 2022.
^ Heersink, Boris; Jenkins, Jeffery A. (April 2020). "Whiteness and the Emergence of the Republican Party in the Early Twentieth-Century South". Studies in American Political Development. 34 (1): 71–90. doi:10.1017/S0898588X19000208. ISSN 0898-588X. S2CID 213551748.
^ "TSHA | Lily-White Movement". www.tshaonline.org. Retrieved 2021-11-18.
^ "Negroes Lose Fight in North Carolina; Pritchard's "Lilly Whites" Recognized by the President. Politicians in Washington Are Puzzled by Contradictory Aspects of Mr. Roosevelt's Policy in the South". New York Times. 17 February 1903.
^ "African American History". MSN Encarta. Archived from the original on 28 October 2009. Retrieved 10 October 2009.
^ Brady (2008), p. 154
^ Leon F. Litwack and August Meier, ed. (1991). Black Leaders of the Nineteenth Century. University of Illinois Press. p. 221. ISBN 978-0252062131.
^ ^a ^b Masson, David; Masson, George; Morley, John; Morris, Mowbray Walter (1900). "The Future of the Negro". Macmillan's Magazine. Macmillan and Company: 449.
^ AFRICAN AMERICANS AND POLITICS from the Handbook of Texas Online
^ Steven Hahn, A nation under our feet: Black political struggles in the rural South, from slavery to the great migration (2003). pp 165–205
^ Sarah Woolfolk Wiggins, The Scalawag in Alabama Politics, 1865–1881 (University of Alabama Press, 1977).
^ Frank J. Wetta, The Louisiana Scalawags: Politics, Race, and Terrorism during the Civil War and Reconstruction (2012)
^ LATE NINETEENTH-CENTURY TEXAS from the Handbook of Texas Online
^ Myrdal, Gunnar; Bok, Sissela (1944). An American dilemma: the Negro problem and modern democracy. Transaction Publishers. p. 478. ISBN 978-1412815109.
^ Fauntroy, Michael K. (2007). Republicans and the Black Vote. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 43. ISBN 978-1588264701. ... lily whites worked with Democrats to disenfranchise African Americans.
^ Perman, Michael (April 3, 2003). Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 9780807860250.
^ "The Negroes' Temporary Farewell: Jim Crow and the Exclusion of African Americans from Congress, 1887–1929". Black Americans in Congress (House of Representatives). Archived from the original on 4 November 2009. Retrieved 9 October 2009.
^ "DE PRIEST, Oscar Stanton". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. Retrieved 22 Nov 2024.
^ "Virginia Party Politics". Virginia Center for Digital History (University of Virginia). Retrieved 9 October 2009.
"Negroes Again Barred From G.O.P. Convention". Daily Progress. July 23, 1922.
^ Gould, Lewis L. (2014). The Republicans: A History of the Grand Old Party. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199936625.
^ Sharkey, Robert P.; De Santis, Vincent P. (1959). Republicans face the southern question: The new departure years, 1877–1897. Johns Hopkins Press.
^ Baker, David V.; Garcia, Gilbert (October 1, 2019). "An Analytical History of Black Female Lynchings In The United States, 1838-1969".
^ Rable, George C. (May 1985). "The South and the Politics of Antilynching Legislation, 1920–1940". Journal of Southern History. 51 (2): 201–220. doi:10.2307/2208825. JSTOR 2208825.
^ Louisiana Historical Association. "A Dictionary of Louisiana Biography". lahistory.org. Archived from the original on October 19, 2017. Retrieved December 21, 2010.
^ Wasniewski, Matthew; Office of History; Preservation House (2008). Black Americans in Congress, 1870–2007. Government Printing Office. p. 183. ISBN 978-0160801945.
^ Lisio, Donald J. (2012). Hoover, Blacks, and Lily-Whites: A Study of Southern Strategies. U North Carolina Press. p. 37ff. ISBN 978-0807874219.
^ Marty Cohen; et al. (2009). The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform. University of Chicago Press. p. 118. ISBN 978-0226112381.
^ Robert David Johnson (2009). All the Way with LBJ: The 1964 Presidential Election. Cambridge University Press. p. 84. ISBN 978-0521737524.
^ Michael K. Fauntroy (4 January 2007). "Republicans and the Black Vote". The Huffington Post.
^ Michael K. Fauntroy (2007). Republicans and the Black Vote. Lynne Rienner Publishers. p. 164. ISBN 978-1588264701.
^ Hales (2003), p. 40
^ Spragens (1988), pp. 196–198
^ Myrdal, Gunnar; Bok, Sissela (1944). An American dilemma: the Negro problem and modern democracy. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1560008569.
^ Donald J. Lisio, Hoover, Blacks, & Lily-Whites: A Study of Southern Strategies (1985)
^ Kevern J. Verney, The Art of the Possible: Booker T. Washington and Black Leadership in the United States, 1881–1925 (2013).