Jump to content

Social stigma of obesity

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Fatphobia)

Part of a series on
Discrimination
Forms
Attributes
Social
Religious
Ethnic/national
Manifestations
Policies
Countermeasures
Related topics
Part of a series on
Human body weight
General concepts
Medical concepts
Measurements
Related conditions
Obesity-associated morbidity
Management of obesity
Social aspects

Social stigma of obesity is bias or discriminatory behaviors targeted at overweight and obese individuals because of their weight and high body fat percentage.[1][2] Such social stigmas can span one's entire life as long as excess weight is present, starting from a young age and lasting into adulthood.[3] Studies also indicate overweight and obese individuals experience higher levels of stigma compared to other people[who?].[4] Stigmatization of obesity is usually associated with increased health risks (morbidity) of being overweight or obese and the possibility of a shorter lifespan (mortality).

Obese people marry less often, experience fewer educational and career opportunities, and on average earn a lesser income than normal weight individuals.[3] Although public support regarding disability services, civil rights, and anti-workplace discrimination laws for obese individuals have gained support across the years, overweight and obese individuals still experience discrimination, which may have detrimental implications in relation to both physiological[5] and psychological health. These issues are compounded by the significant negative physiological effects that are already associated with obesity,[6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16] which some have proposed may be caused in part by stress from the social stigma of obesity (or which may be made more pronounced as a result of that stress).[5]

Anti-fat bias refers to prejudicial assumptions that are based on an assessment of a person as being overweight or obese. It is also known as "fat shaming" or "fatphobia". Anti-fat bias can be found in many facets of society,[17] and fat activists commonly cite examples of mass media and popular culture that pervade this phenomenon.[18][19]

Characteristics

[edit]

Weight-related stigma can be characterized by the following aspects:

  • An individual does not have to be overweight or obese to experience weight-related stigma.[20]
  • Studies have indicated that experiencing weight stigma reinforces lifestyle behaviors that contribute to obesity.[21]
  • Individuals who are overweight or obese tend to devalue their own in-group and prefer the out-group (i.e. thinner individuals).[22]

Prevalence

[edit]

In the US, self-reported incidents of weight-based discrimination increased from 1995 to 2006.[23]

Individuals who are subjected to weight-related stigma appear to be rated more negatively[how?] when compared with other groups, such as sexual minorities and those with mental illness.[24]

Anti-fat bias has been observed in groups hoping to become physical education instructors. In a study published in 2007, a group of 344 psychology or physical education majors at a New Zealand University were compared, and it was found that the prospective physical education teachers were more likely to display implicit anti-fat attitudes than the psychology majors.[25]

A number of studies have found that health care providers frequently have explicit and/or implicit biases against overweight people, and it has been found that overweight patients may receive lower quality care as a result of their weight.[26] Medical professionals who specialize in the treatment of obesity have been found to have strong negative associations toward obese individuals.[27] The stress from obesity-related stigma may also cause negative health outcomes.[5]

A 2004 study in preschool-aged children reported a preference for average-sized children over overweight children as friends.[28] Overweight individuals often found themselves suffering repercussions in many facets of society, including legal and employment issues later in their life.[17]

According to a 2010 review of published studies, interventions seeking to reduce prejudice and social stigma against fat and obesity are largely ineffective.[29]

Theoretical explanations

[edit]

In order to understand weight-biased attitudes, theories have been proposed to explain these biases and the subsequent discrimination they cause. Christian S. Crandall discusses the "Justification of Stigmatization".[30] Also his Social Ideology Perspective draws on traditional North American values of self-determination, individualism, and self-discipline. Based on these values, anti-fat attitudes may derive from directing blame for being overweight towards individuals who are overweight.[31] Similarly, the attribution theory suggests that attitudes towards obese individuals are dependent on how much control they are perceived to have over their weight.[2] Throughout the literature, numerous studies have shown support for this theory. One study conducted a multinational examination of weight bias across four countries (Canada, United States, Iceland, and Australia) with comparable obesity rates.[32] The study found that attributions of behavioral causes of obesity were associated with greater weight bias. Similarly, viewing obesity as being caused by a lack of willpower was also associated with greater weight bias. There appears to be a decrease in weight bias when weight is attributed to factors that are less within the individual's control, or when individuals are perceived as trying to lose weight.[33] However, evidence also exists showing that biases against obese individuals also include disgust towards them, which can persist regardless of if one knows that obesity is not caused by obese individuals' actions.[34]

Fatphobia does not generally refer to a fear of obese people, but rather a socially constructed phenomenon of particular prevalence in the western world.[35] People, often said to be living in the west, value healthy and strong bodies that prioritize agility, endurance and fertility[35] - with focus on achievement and individual responsibility.[36] Not only do such bodies associate the western world with similar ideals, but Lloyd deMause suggests the 'fitness/toughness craze' may also reflect preparations for war.[37] The overabundace of high caloric, depleted of nutrients and other essential vitamins and minerals and food options more common in the western hemisphere is often associated with people who are against fat phobia. The 'fattening huts' of young girls in Nigeria however, represent beauty, marriageability and money – a direct reflection of the value of economic resource and food.[38] There, fatness is a welcome sign of health, prosperity and maternity - linked to self-worth and sexuality also.[38]

Fatphobia does not fear 'fat' but prejudice, discrimination, exclusion and preventable disease too - fears directly attributable to the myriad of social, political, historical, economic and cultural processes at work (that do not similarly exist in other cultures).[38] In this way, fatphobia is a culturally-derived phenomenon influencing relationships to food as well to the female form. Trends in 'blame, shame and stigma'[36] have contributed to fat positivity and 'health at every size' movements, that create digital 'safe spaces' for activism and radical fat acceptance that seek to resist/shift such powerful cultural perspectives.[39]

Trait attribution

[edit]

Anti-fat bias leads people to associate individuals who are overweight or obese with negative personality traits such as "lacking willpower",[40] "lazy", "gluttonous", "stupid", "incompetent", or "unmotivated".[41] This bias is not restricted to clinically obese individuals. It also encompasses those whose body shape is found to be unacceptable when compared to modern society's perception of the ideal body type (although still within the normal or overweight body mass index (BMI) range).[42] Fat-shaming is fairly common in the United States, even though most adult Americans are overweight. Huffington Post wrote "two-thirds of American adults are overweight or obese. Yet overweight and obese individuals are subject to discrimination from employers, healthcare professionals, and potential romantic partners".[43][44][45]

Anti-fat bias can be moderated by giving a mitigating context to the individual's appearance of obesity.[46] For example, when told an individual was obese because of "overeating" and "lack of exercise", a higher implicit bias was found among study participants than those not provided with context. When the group was told that "genetics" was to blame, they did not exhibit a lowered implicit bias after the explanation.

Anti-fat bias is not a strictly Western cultural phenomenon. Instances of implicit anti-fat bias have been found across several cultures.[47]

Additionally, recent work around physical appearance issues, body image, and anti-fat or obesity prejudice suggests that feelings about one's own appearance may stimulate downward physical comparisons with obese individuals in order to make one feel better about one's own physical appearance.[48][49]

Weight discrimination

[edit]

Weight stigma is present in multiple settings including healthcare, education, interpersonal situations, multiple media forms and outlets, and across many levels of employment.[2]

In the media

[edit]
See also: Obesity social stigma in television

Media, in general, overrepresents underweight individuals and underrepresents overweight individuals. One-third of women in television are classified as underweight, while only 5% of the general population falls into that category.[50] Conversely, a study on over a thousand major television characters from 2003 identified 14% of female characters and 24% of male characters to be overweight, despite the real-world percentages being more than double those reported numbers.[51][52]

Even when overweight people are included in television, they often play minor, stereotyped roles. Nearly two thirds of the most popular children's movies contain negative portrayals of fat people, stereotyping them to be unintelligent, lazy, and evil.[51] Fat television characters are more commonly seen eating and are less likely to be involved in romantic relationships compared to average weight television characters.[50] Male characters are less commonly portrayed as having close friendships.[51]

In 2007, another analysis sampled 135 scenes featuring overweight individuals from popular television programs and movies are coded for anti-fat humor. The majority of anti-fat humor found was verbal and directed at the individual in their presence.[50] Additionally, a relationship was found between audience laughter and a male character poking fun at a female character's body, but that same relationship wasn't there when it was a female character ridiculing a fat male.[50]

There is a great deal of empirical research to support the idea of thin ideal media, or the idea that the media tends to glorify and focus on thin actors and actresses, models, and other public figures while avoiding the use of overweight individuals.

Puhl et al. (2009) also reviewed how in entertainment, news reporting, and advertising, media is a particularly potent source of weight stigma. News reports have blamed individuals who are overweight and obese for various societal issues including prices of fuel, global temperature trends, and precipitating weight gain among their peers.[2] The news media repeatedly engages in the "Headless Fatties" phenomenon, coined by Charlotte Cooper, in which images and videos only depict overweight individuals as bodies by cropping out their heads. This objectification happens in 72% of all news reports on obesity.[51]

The University of California, Los Angeles, conducted a study that analyzed scientific research on weight and the news reports on such research. They looked for disparities in language, the cited causes of obesity, and proposed solution. News stories were more likely than the scientific articles to use dramatized language, words such as epidemic, crisis, war, and terrorism, and were more likely to cite individual behaviors as the causes and solutions to obesity, ignoring the systemic issues.[53]

In September 2011, prominent nationally syndicated columnist Michael Kinsley (founding editor of Slate magazine) wrote, "New Jersey Governor Chris Christie cannot be president: He is just too fat ... why should Christie's weight be more than we can bear in a president? Why should it even be a legitimate issue if he runs? One reason is that a presidential candidate should be judged on behavior and character ... Perhaps Christie is the one to help us get our national appetites under control. But it would help if he got his own under control first."[54] Governor Christie responded on October 4, 2011, stating "The people who pretend to be serious commentators who wrote about this are among the most ignorant I've ever heard in my life. To say that, because you're overweight, you are therefore undisciplined—you know, I don't think undisciplined people get to achieve great positions in our society, so that kind of stuff is just ignorant."[55]

In 2013, Haley Morris-Cafiero's photography project "Wait Watchers", in which she photographed the reactions to her presence by random passers-by, went viral. New York magazine wrote, "The frequency with which Morris-Cafiero succeeds at documenting passersby's visible disdain for her body seems pretty depressing".[56]

In education

[edit]

In regards to more direct weight bias, obese individuals were 40–50% more likely to report a perception of major discrimination compared to those of average weight across a multitude of settings.[57][58] In the educational setting, those who are overweight as youth often face peer rejection[59] and are bullied more.[60] Overweight children have poorer school performance if they experience weight-based teasing.[61] Between fifth and eighth grade, a child's increase in BMI results in a decrease in their teacher's perception of that student's ability,[51] and 50% of principals believe fatness is just a result of lacking self control.[51] Teachers, particularly those teaching physical education classes, sometimes express negative attitudes towards overweight individuals.[2]

Research suggests that within the classroom teachers may perceive overweight individuals' work more poorly compared to average weight individuals.[62] Students also perceive overweight individuals as being likely to have lower GPAs, and students are less likely to want to do groupwork with overweight individuals compared to average weight individuals.[63] Research has also found that overweight females receive less financial support for education from their families than average weight females, after controlling for ethnicity, family size, income, and education.[2][24] As individuals grow older they may be less likely to be admitted to college than individuals of an average weight, and in some cases, people were admitted to academic institutions then dismissed due to their weight.[2][24]

Puhl and colleagues (2009) concluded from their review of weight stigma in education that current trends indicate students with obesity face barriers to educational success at every level of education.[2] Reviewed research demonstrates that educators, particularly physical education teachers, report antifat attitudes toward their students with obesity, which may undermine educational achievement.[2] Importantly, the education disparities for students with obesity appear to be strongest for students attending schools where obesity is not the norm. Several studies have evidenced that in environments such as these, students with obesity face greater educational disadvantages and are less likely to attend college, an effect that is particularly strong among women.[2] Moreover, weight stigma in educational settings also affects interpersonal relationships (see "Interpersonal situations" below).[64]

In employment

[edit]

Studies suggest that obese individuals are less likely to be hired and once hired, have greater termination rates than average weight individuals.[2][24] Specifically, a national survey found that obese individuals were 26% more likely not to be hired, not receive a promotion, or to be fired compared to average weight persons.[57] Such outcomes may be a result of employers viewing them as less agreeable, less competent and lazier than average weight individuals.[2][24]

Weight stigma can lead to difficulty obtaining a job, worse job placement, lower wages and compensation, unjustified denial of promotions, harsher discipline, unfair job termination, and commonplace derogatory jokes and comments from coworkers and supervisors.[2] In their review, Rebecca M. Puhl et al. find that employees with obesity report their weight as the most influential factor contributing to losing their job.[2] Another review by Giel and colleagues (2010) found that certain stereotypes about employees with obesity are highly endorsed by employers and supervisors, in particular that they have poorer job performance and that they lack interpersonal skills, motivation, and self-control.[65]

In politics

[edit]
New Jersey Governor Chris Christie is a politician who was subjected to weight-related discrimination during his political career.[54]

A study by Michigan State University researchers shows evidence that overweight political candidates tend to receive fewer votes than their thinner opponents.[66] The researchers analyzed data from the 2008 and 2012 U.S. Senate elections. Using a previously established scientific method, research assistants determined from color photos whether the candidates in 126 primary and general elections were of normal weight, overweight, or obese.

Both obese men and women were often less likely to get on the ballot in the first place. When it came to merely being overweight, women were seen underrepresented on the ballot, though men were not. This is consistent with previous research showing slightly overweight men tend not to experience the same discrimination as slightly overweight women.

However, when it came to the voting, both male and female candidates, whether obese or simply overweight, tend to get a lower share of the vote total than their more slender opponents. Some politicians have resorted to extreme weight loss measures, including surgery, to increase their elect-ability to political office.[67]

In healthcare

[edit]

Medical professionals may be more likely to view obese individuals in negative terms (such as annoying or undisciplined), have less patience with obese individuals, and assume non-compliance with their treatments.[68] As such, these individuals may receive poorer care compared to average weight people. Primary care physicians overstate the effects of being overweight on all-cause mortality,[69] describing being overweight as much more detrimental than clinical guidelines indicate.[70] Additionally, nurses have reported a reluctance to touch obese persons during treatment.[24] A national survey of the United States found that individuals who were overweight reported a three times higher likelihood to be denied medical care than average weight people.[57] In the UK, 25 out of 91 primary care trusts have bans for the treatment of obese individuals in addition to weight loss requirements.[71] Additionally, a 2012 survey revealed that 54% of doctor respondents believe the National Health Service should have the ability to withhold non-emergency treatment from obese individuals.[71] Further, health professionals who specialize in obesity showed strong implicit and explicit anti-fat bias as measured by self-report and the Implicit Associations Test (IAT).[72] However, such biases were mixed amongst dietitians and nutritionists.[73]

In their 2009 review, Puhl and colleagues found that many studies provide evidence supporting the notion that health professionals (including doctors, nurses, medical students, fitness professional, and dietitians) consistently endorse negative stereotypes about patients with obesity, in particular ascribing to them culpability for their weight status.[2] Weight stigma in the healthcare settings leads to impaired patient-provider communication, poorer doctor-patient relationships, poorer medical care and treatment (for example doctors spending less time with patients), and avoidance of the healthcare system all together on the part of the patient.[2] However, it is important to point out that the evidence that has been reviewed thus far comes primarily from self-report studies. Therefore, Puhl and colleagues concluded that research examining actual health outcomes is needed.[2] Overall, the impact of weight stigma in healthcare has become so problematic that many scholars have suggested that obesity-prevention programs should make minimizing stigma a priority.[2][74]

Interpersonal situations

[edit]

Although a less studied topic than employment and healthcare, several studies reviewed by Puhl and colleagues (2009) provide evidence that overweight and obese women in particular face weight stigma from many interpersonal sources including family, friends, and romantic partners.[2] Another recent review by Puhl and Suh (2015) also documented that in school settings weight-based bullying is one of the most prevalent types of harassment reported by parents, teachers, and students.[75] Experiencing interpersonal weight stigma is related to myriad negative physical and mental health consequences (see "Mental health and psychological consequences" below).

In a 2017 study, results showed that 89% of obese adults had been bullied by romantic partners.[76][77]

In early development

[edit]

This external stigmatization and its internalized effects have been examined across different age groups. Overweight and obese children and adolescents experience stigmatization from parents, teachers, and peers.[78] Peer stigmatization, especially, may be difficult for overweight adolescents considering the role of peer support in promoting identity development and self-esteem.[75] Some research suggests that negative attitudes about being overweight are even held by overweight and obese children themselves. Specifically, weight bias may become internalized and increases throughout childhood. It then decreases and levels-off during late adolescence and adulthood.[78]

Weight-based teasing in childhood and adolescence has been associated with a variety of damages to psychosocial health, including reduced self-esteem and lower self-concept,[78][79] higher rates of depression and anxiety disorders,[80][81][82] and even greater likelihood of entertaining suicidal thoughts.[78] Further, weight-based teasing has been associated with higher rates of binge eating and unhealthy weight control (e.g., fasting, self-induced vomiting, laxatives, diet pills, skipped meals and smoking).[78][83][84] Overweight adolescents who were bullied were also more likely to meet criteria for bulimia.[85]

A survey of 7,266 children aged 11 to 16 conducted by the World Health Organization reported higher rates of physical victimization (e.g., being shoved) with increasing body mass index (BMI) among girls. Additionally, these results showed relational victimization (i.e., being excluded or having rumors spread about you) was reported more often at increasing BMI by both girls and boys.[75] A separate survey of 7,825 students aged 11 to 17 also noted that, compared to average-weight peers, obese boys and overweight girls were more likely to be victims of bullying. Additionally, obese girls were more likely to be victims and perpetrators of bullying than their peers. Notably, overweight and obese adolescent girls also reported higher rates of smoking, drinking, and marijuana use relative to their normal-weight peers.[86]

[edit]

Stigmatization of obesity is associated with increased risk of obesity and increased mortality and morbidity.[44] In adulthood, individuals who experience weight discrimination are more likely to identify themselves as overweight regardless of their actual weight status.[87] The experience of weight stigma can function as motivation to avoid stigmatizing environments, and although it may motivate one to escape stigma through weight loss, it undermines one's capacity to do so.[88] Researchers have linked weight stigma to decreases in physical activity,[87][89][90] decreases in seeking health care[90] and increases in maladaptive eating patterns such as binge eating.[88][90] In addition, those who have experienced weight stigma have shown altered cardiovascular reactivity, increased cortisol level, oxidative stress, and inflammation.[91][92][88]

People who expect to be fat-shamed by healthcare providers are less likely to seek care for medical issues or for weight loss, even if the weight gain is caused by medical problems.[93]

In terms of psychological health, researchers found that obese individuals demonstrated a lower sense of well-being relative to non-obese individuals if they had perceived weight stigmatization even after controlling for other demographic factors such as age and sex.[94] Overweight and obese individuals report experiencing forms of internalized stigma such as body dissatisfaction as well as decreased social support and feelings of loneliness.[95][96] In addition, similar to findings in adolescence, weight stigma in adulthood is associated with lower self-esteem, higher rates of depression, anxiety, and substance abuse.[88][90][95]

In both adults and children with obesity, several reviews of the literature have found that across a variety of studies, there is a consistent relationship between experiencing weight stigma and many negative mental and physical health outcomes.[2][31][97][64][98] These will be discussed separately in the sections below, although physical and mental health consequences are often intertwined, in particular those related to eating disorders.

Papadopoulos and Brennan (2015) recently found that across many reviewed studies of weight loss treatment-seeking adults,[97] relationships emerged between experiencing weight stigma and both BMI and difficulty losing weight. However the findings are somewhat mixed. They also report evidence that experiencing weight stigma is related to poor medication adherence. Among weight loss treatment-seeking adults, experiencing weight stigma might exacerbate weight- and health-related quality of life issues.[97] This review along with reviews by Vartanian and Smyth (2013) and Puhl and Suh (2015) have also found that across several studies and in both adults and children, experiencing weight stigma is related to decreased exercise behavior overall, as well as decreased motivation to exercise, decreased exercise self-efficacy, and increased food craving and tendency to overeat.[31][97][75] These effects of weight stigma on exercise and physical activity emerge independent of body mass index, suggesting that weight stigma becomes a unique barrier to physical activity outside of barriers that may be associated with obesity in particular. Finally, across many studies, Puhl and Suh (2015) also found that experiencing weight stigma is related to many physiological consequences as well, including increased blood pressure, augmented cortisol reactivity, elevated oxidative stress, impaired glycemic control/elevated HbA1c, and increased systemic inflammation,[75][98] all of which have notable consequences for physical health and disease.

Mental health and psychological consequences

[edit]

Broadly speaking, experiencing weight stigma is associated with psychological distress. There are many negative effects connected to anti-fat bias, the most prominent being that societal bias against fat is ineffective at treating obesity, and leads to long-lasting body image issues, eating disorders, suicide, and depression.[99]

Papadopoulos's 2015 review of the literature found that across several studies, this distress can manifest in anxiety, depression, lowered self-esteem, and substance use disorders, both in weight loss treatment-seeking individuals as well as community samples.[97] Many empirical reviews have found that weight stigma has clear consequences for individuals suffering from eating and weight disorders (including anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge eating disorder), as it plays a unique role, over and above other risk factors, in perpetuating disordered eating psychopathology.[97][75][98] These results have emerged in both adult and adolescent, as well as in male and female samples.

Policy

[edit]

Over the past few decades, many scholars[who?] have identified weight stigma as a long-standing form of social stigma and one of the last remaining socially acceptable forms of prejudice.[100] It follows then that individuals who are targets because of overweight and obesity, still face uniquely socially acceptable discrimination.[101][102] Civil rights legislation such as Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination based on race and several other domains, but weight is not included in this act. At the local level, only one state in the US (Michigan) has policy in place for prohibiting weight-related employment discrimination and very few local municipalities have human rights ordinances in place to protect individuals of large body size.[2][103] Specifically, localities that have passed legislation explicitly prohibiting weight-based discrimination include the state of Michigan; San Francisco and Santa Cruz in California; Washington, DC; Urbana, Illinois; Binghamton, New York; New York City, New York (in employment, housing, and public accommodations),[104] and Madison, Wisconsin. Typically, the only of type of legislation that overweight and obese individuals can cite in lawsuits is related to disability. For example, the Americans with Disabilities Act is one such avenue, but as Puhl et al. (2009) report, it is difficult for many individuals with obesity to qualify as disabled according to the criteria included in this statute.[2] Few cases have been successful and most of these successes have occurred since 2009, after Congress passed the ADA Amendments Act of 2008, which expanded the definitions of disability to include "severe obesity" (but not moderate obesity, overweight or underweight) as an impairment. However, in 2012, the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) successfully settled 2 cases for employees who were terminated from their jobs because their employers regarded them to be disabled based on their obesity and their severe obesity was now a covered disability under the new amendment. Despite these few recent successes, not all weight discrimination occurs in the context of disability or perceived disability, and legal remedies that can directly address weight discrimination as a legitimate social injustice remain absent.[105]

Public health

[edit]

The existing literature largely does not support the notion that weight stigma might encourage weight loss; as cited above, experiencing weight stigma (both interpersonally as well as exposure to stigmatizing media campaigns) is consistently related to a lack of motivation to exercise and a propensity to overeat.[31][97][75] In a 2010 review examining whether weight stigma is an appropriate public health tool for treating and preventing overweight and obesity, Puhl and Heuer concluded that stigmatizing individuals with obesity is detrimental in three important ways: (1) it threatens actual physical health, (2) it perpetuates health disparities, and (3) it actually undermines obesity treatment and intervention initiatives.[21] In line with this, another recent review of the consequences of experiencing weight stigma, this one conducted by Puhl and Suh (2015), concluded that considering the myriad negative physical and mental health consequences associated with experiencing weight stigma, it should be a target, instead of a tool, in obesity prevention and treatment.[75] These authors further recommend that a necessary first step in reducing weight stigma is raising broader awareness of its negative consequences.[75]

Race

[edit]

With higher representation of black people being categorized as overweight by the BMI, the social stigma of obesity disproportionately affects black people.[106] More than 80% of African American women are categorized as overweight using the Body Mass Index.[107]

Sociologist Sabrina Strings writes, in her book Fearing the Black Body, about the historical ways in which fatphobia emerged out of an attempt by white people to distance themselves from black people. In 1751, Denis Diderot published the Encyclopédie, which was the first publications to claim that black people were "fond of gluttony."[108] In 1853, French aristocrat Arthur de Gobineau claimed, about black people, that their "gluttonous nature to be one of their more base characteristics."[109] In 1910, Charles Davenport founded the Eugenic Record Office, and he claimed that "obesity was a vile condition to be avoided. It was, moreover, racially inherited."[109] Eugenics sentiment toward black people regarding their size was prevalent.

Black bodies are already stigmatized, which can result in violence when interacting with the social stigma of obesity. In a 2017 article published in the African American Review, one author cited the killing of Eric Garner as an example of this, as some excuses for using excessive force on Garner were his size, as he was an overweight man.[110] The article explains how ableism, fatphobia, and racism interact to form a "double bind" in which violence is excused because fatness is already causing inherent injury, but necessary because the size of a large black person is a threat.

A paper published by the American Journal of Preventive Medicine titled “Intersectionality: An Understudied Framework for Addressing Weight Stigma”[111] focused on highlighting the intersectionality between weight stigma and health-related coping responses across several non-white racial and gendered groups. The findings of this publication demonstrated that there were no significant differences in weight stigma as a function of race or gender, having an overall equal representation across all racial groups analyzed. Nonetheless, results additionally demonstrated that different racial groups had differing ways of internalizing and coping with weight and health-related stigmas, which as a result heightened health risks.[clarification needed] Results revealed that white women and men reported higher weight bias internalization in comparison to black women and men. Additionally, Hispanic women demonstrated to cope with weight stigma via disordered eating patterns more than black and white women. The results of this research article highlighted the importance of needing to increase research and policy attention to addressing weight and health-related stigma as an issue regarding prevention and treatment for obesity in order to consequently decrease weight-driven inequalities in communities and differing groups, primarily focused on race and gender.

Responses

[edit]

Fat acceptance movement and organizations

[edit]
Main article: Fat acceptance movement

The fat acceptance social movement in the USA emerged in the 1960s to highlight and counter social stigma and discrimination faced in a range of domains. Besides its political role, for example in the form of anti-discrimination NGOs and activism, the fat acceptance movement also constitutes a subculture which acts as a social group for its members.[112]

Language and identity

[edit]

The fat acceptance movement often uses the adjective "fat" and neologisms like "infinifat" as a reclaimed word.[113] Preferences regarding terminology and descriptions vary, however, with common disagreements revolving around which words to use (e.g. "fat", "overweight", "obese"/"obesity", "of size"), the use of person-first language (e.g. "a person with obesity"), the use of medicalized terminology, and the avoidance of stigma.

Person-first language

[edit]

Person-first language, which emerged from some disability advocacy groups, has the ostensible goal of treating a person independently of a trait. However, it also has the consequence of treating that trait as "toxic" abnormality which should be "fixed" to achieve normalcy, and which due to its inherent negativity must be talked about in a special, careful way, rather than used as a simple "benign" descriptor.[114] Critics believe that because such a formulation necessarily begins from the assumption that there is something wrong with being overweight, it contributes to further stigma.[114] Furthermore, person-first language can contribute to the medicalization of obesity, as this is the language commonly used when referring to disease. This may explain why person-first language is favored more often by those working in the obesity field (and therefore seeking medical "fixes") than by other groups. Advocacy groups have criticized a top-down approach whereby proponents of person-first language claim to speak for all, whereas in reality it is not the preferred terminology of many in the fat-acceptance movement.[114][115]

Descriptions and terminology

[edit]

Various studies of overweight people seeking weight loss as well as a semantics study of terminology used to describe an overweight individual concluded that using the word fat elicits a negative reaction from people already critical of obesity.[116][117] However, "obesity" was found in one study to be equally as undesirable as "fat" when considering language preferences of overweight individuals.[114]

"Fat" is the preferred term within the fat acceptance movement.[118] Fat activists have reclaimed the term as a neutral descriptor in order to work against the stigma typically associated with the term.[114] In fact, many fat activists will censor the word "obesity" when tweeting or citing it as "ob*sity" due to its pathologizing nature.[citation needed] The word "obesity" directly stems from the Latin word "obesus" which means "that has eaten itself fat".[119] Fat activists will also use this Latin definition to show stigma in the word "obese" itself, as it places blame on the individual for their state.[120]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Puhl RM, Brownell KD (November 2003). "Psychosocial origins of obesity stigma: toward changing a powerful and pervasive bias". Obesity Reviews. 4 (4): 213–227. doi:10.1046/j.1467-789X.2003.00122.x. PMID 14649372. S2CID 31481832.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Puhl RM, Heuer CA (May 2009). "The stigma of obesity: a review and update". Obesity. 17 (5): 941–964. doi:10.1038/oby.2008.636. PMID 19165161. S2CID 152352.
  3. ^ a b "Dicke sind faul und dumm" (in German). Süddeutsche Zeitung. August 11, 2008. Retrieved March 8, 2011.
  4. ^ Puhl RM, Heuer CA (June 2010). "Obesity stigma: important considerations for public health". American Journal of Public Health. 100 (6): 1019–1028. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2009.159491. PMC 2866597. PMID 20075322.
  5. ^ a b c Muennig P (April 2008). "The body politic: the relationship between stigma and obesity-associated disease". BMC Public Health. 8: 128. doi:10.1186/1471-2458-8-128. PMC 2386473. PMID 18426601.
  6. ^ "The Health Effects of Overweight and Obesity". Center for Disease Control. August 11, 2011. Retrieved January 17, 2017.
  7. ^ Kim MS, Kim WJ, Khera AV, Kim JY, Yon DK, Lee SW, et al. (2021-09-07). "Association between adiposity and cardiovascular outcomes: an umbrella review and meta-analysis of observational and Mendelian randomization studies". European Heart Journal. 42 (34): 3388–3403. doi:10.1093/eurheartj/ehab454. ISSN 1522-9645. PMC 8423481. PMID 34333589.
  8. ^ Schütten MT, Houben AJ, de Leeuw PW, Stehouwer CD (May 2017). "The Link Between Adipose Tissue Renin-Angiotensin-Aldosterone System Signaling and Obesity-Associated Hypertension". Physiology. 32 (3): 197–209. doi:10.1152/physiol.00037.2016. ISSN 1548-9213. PMID 28404736.
  9. ^ Ahmed M, Mulugeta A, Lee SH, Mäkinen VP, Boyle T, Hyppönen E (December 2021). "Adiposity and cancer: a Mendelian randomization analysis in the UK biobank". International Journal of Obesity. 45 (12): 2657–2665. doi:10.1038/s41366-021-00942-y. ISSN 1476-5497. PMID 34453097.
  10. ^ "Genetic analyses indicate that the effect of overweight and obesity on cancer risk is at least double what was previously thought". www.iarc.who.int. Retrieved 2024-10-22.
  11. ^ Venkatesh SS, Ferreira T, Benonisdottir S, Rahmioglu N, Becker CM, Granne I, et al. (2022-02-01). "Obesity and risk of female reproductive conditions: A Mendelian randomisation study". PLOS Medicine. 19 (2): e1003679. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1003679. ISSN 1549-1676. PMC 8806071. PMID 35104295.
  12. ^ "Fat Is the Cause of Type 2 Diabetes". NutritionFacts.org. 2016-11-17. Retrieved 2024-10-22.
  13. ^ von Frankenberg AD, Marina A, Song X, Callahan HS, Kratz M, Utzschneider KM (February 2017). "A high-fat, high-saturated fat diet decreases insulin sensitivity without changing intra-abdominal fat in weight-stable overweight and obese adults". European Journal of Nutrition. 56 (1): 431–443. doi:10.1007/s00394-015-1108-6. ISSN 1436-6215. PMC 5291812. PMID 26615402.
  14. ^ Schütten MT, Houben AJ, de Leeuw PW, Stehouwer CD (May 2017). "The Link Between Adipose Tissue Renin-Angiotensin-Aldosterone System Signaling and Obesity-Associated Hypertension". Physiology. 32 (3): 197–209. doi:10.1152/physiol.00037.2016. ISSN 1548-9213. PMID 28404736.
  15. ^ Ellulu MS, Patimah I, Khaza'ai H, Rahmat A, Abed Y (June 2017). "Obesity and inflammation: the linking mechanism and the complications". Archives of Medical Science: AMS. 13 (4): 851–863. doi:10.5114/aoms.2016.58928. ISSN 1734-1922. PMC 5507106. PMID 28721154.
  16. ^ Hildebrandt X, Ibrahim M, Peltzer N (February 2023). "Cell death and inflammation during obesity: "Know my methods, WAT(son)"". Cell Death & Differentiation. 30 (2): 279–292. doi:10.1038/s41418-022-01062-4. ISSN 1476-5403. PMC 9520110. PMID 36175539.
  17. ^ a b Puhl R, Brownell KD (December 2001). "Bias, discrimination, and obesity". Obesity Research. 9 (12): 788–805. doi:10.1038/oby.2001.108. PMID 11743063.
  18. ^ Ahern AL, Bennett KM, Hetherington MM (2008). "Internalization of the ultra-thin ideal: positive implicit associations with underweight fashion models are associated with drive for thinness in young women". Eating Disorders. 16 (4): 294–307. doi:10.1080/10640260802115852. PMID 18568920. S2CID 2473526.
  19. ^ Hawkins N, Richards PS, Granley HM, Stein DM (2004). "The impact of exposure to the thin-ideal media image on women". Eating Disorders. 12 (1): 35–50. doi:10.1080/10640260490267751. PMID 16864303. S2CID 28802161.
  20. ^ Carr D, Friedman MA (September 2005). "Is obesity stigmatizing? Body weight, perceived discrimination, and psychological well-being in the United States". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 46 (3): 244–259. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.407.990. doi:10.1177/002214650504600303. PMID 16259147. S2CID 8396227.
  21. ^ a b Puhl RM, Heuer CA (June 2010). "Obesity stigma: important considerations for public health". American Journal of Public Health. 100 (6): 1019–1028. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2009.159491. PMC 2866597. PMID 20075322.
  22. ^ Latner JD, O'Brien KS, Durso LE, Brinkman LA, MacDonald T (July 2008). "Weighing obesity stigma: the relative strength of different forms of bias". International Journal of Obesity. 32 (7): 1145–1152. doi:10.1038/ijo.2008.53. PMID 18414421. S2CID 23678067.
  23. ^ Andreyeva T, Puhl RM, Brownell KD (May 2008). "Changes in perceived weight discrimination among Americans, 1995-1996 through 2004-2006". Obesity. 16 (5): 1129–1134. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.175.3676. doi:10.1038/oby.2008.35. PMID 18356847. S2CID 15323829.
  24. ^ a b c d e f Vartanian LR, Smyth JM (March 2013). "Primum non nocere: obesity stigma and public health". Journal of Bioethical Inquiry. 10 (1): 49–57. doi:10.1007/s11673-012-9412-9. PMID 23288439. S2CID 8752139.
  25. ^ O'Brien KS, Hunter JA, Banks M (February 2007). "Implicit anti-fat bias in physical educators: physical attributes, ideology and socialization". International Journal of Obesity. 31 (2): 308–314. doi:10.1038/sj.ijo.0803398. PMID 16733526. S2CID 22804583.
  26. ^ Phelan SM, Burgess DJ, Yeazel MW, Hellerstedt WL, Griffin JM, van Ryn M (April 2015). "Impact of weight bias and stigma on quality of care and outcomes for patients with obesity". Obesity Reviews. 16 (4): 319–326. doi:10.1111/obr.12266. PMC 4381543. PMID 25752756.
  27. ^ Teachman BA, Brownell KD (October 2001). "Implicit anti-fat bias among health professionals: is anyone immune?". International Journal of Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders. 25 (10): 1525–1531. doi:10.1038/sj.ijo.0801745. PMID 11673776. S2CID 8831521.
  28. ^ Musher-Eizenman DR, Holub SC, Miller AB, Goldstein SE, Edwards-Leeper L (December 2004). "Body size stigmatization in preschool children: the role of control attributions". Journal of Pediatric Psychology. 29 (8): 613–620. doi:10.1093/jpepsy/jsh063. PMID 15491983.
  29. ^ Daníelsdóttir S, O'Brien KS, Ciao A (February 2010). "Anti-fat prejudice reduction: a review of published studies". Obesity Facts. 3 (1): 47–58. doi:10.1159/000277067. PMC 6452150. PMID 20215795.
  30. ^ Heatherton TF (2003). The Social Psychology of Stigma. New York London: Guilford Press. ISBN 978-1572309425.
  31. ^ a b c d Puhl RM, Brownell KD. "Stigma, discrimination, and obesity". Eating Disorders and Obesity: A Comprehensive Handbook.
  32. ^ Puhl RM, Latner JD, O'Brien K, Luedicke J, Danielsdottir S, Forhan M (July 2015). "A multinational examination of weight bias: predictors of anti-fat attitudes across four countries". International Journal of Obesity. 39 (7): 1166–1173. doi:10.1038/ijo.2015.32. PMID 25809827. S2CID 7917104.
  33. ^ Beames JR, Black MJ, Vartanian LR (June 2016). "Prejudice toward individuals with obesity: Evidence for a pro-effort bias". Journal of Experimental Psychology. Applied. 22 (2): 184–195. doi:10.1037/xap0000079. PMID 26866441.
  34. ^ Vartanian LR (August 2010). "Disgust and perceived control in attitudes toward obese people". International Journal of Obesity. 34 (8): 1302–1307. doi:10.1038/ijo.2010.45. PMID 20195287. S2CID 12304822.
  35. ^ a b Scheper-Hughes N, Lock MM (1987). "The Mindful Body: A Prolegomenon to Future Work in Medical Anthropology". Medical Anthropology Quarterly. 1 (1). Wiley, American Anthropological Association: 8. doi:10.1525/maq.1987.1.1.02a00020.
  36. ^ a b Trainer S, SturtzSreetharan C, Wutich A, Brewis A, Hardin J (March 2022). "Fat Is All My Fault: Globalized Metathemes of Body Self-blame". Medical Anthropology Quarterly. 36 (1): 5–26. doi:10.1111/maq.12687. PMID 35051296.
  37. ^ deMause L (1984). Reagan's America. New York: Creative Books.
  38. ^ a b c Brown PJ (March 1991). "Culture and the evolution of obesity". Human Nature. 2 (1). New York: Emory University: 31–57. doi:10.1007/BF02692180. PMID 24222189. S2CID 37346271.
  39. ^ Kost C, Jamie K (May 2023). ""It has literally been a lifesaver": the role of "knowing kinship" in supporting fat women to navigate medical fatphobia". Fat Studies. 12 (2). Taylor & Francis Group: 311–324. doi:10.1080/21604851.2022.2041295.
  40. ^ O'Brien KS, Hunter JA, Banks M (February 2007). "Implicit anti-fat bias in physical educators: physical attributes, ideology and socialization". International Journal of Obesity. 31 (2): 308–314. doi:10.1038/sj.ijo.0803398. PMID 16733526. S2CID 22804583.
  41. ^ Puhl RM, King KM (April 2013). "Weight discrimination and bullying". Best Practice & Research. Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism. 27 (2): 117–127. doi:10.1016/j.beem.2012.12.002. PMID 23731874.
  42. ^ Lerner R, Gellert E (1969). "Body build identification, preference and aversion in children". Developmental Psychology. 1 (5): 456–462. doi:10.1037/h0027966.
  43. ^ Bahadur N (2013-02-07). "LOOK: The Bravest Woman We've Met This Week". The Huffington Post. Retrieved 2015-11-11.
  44. ^ a b Westbury S, Oyebode O, van Rens T, Barber TM (March 2023). "Obesity Stigma: Causes, Consequences, and Potential Solutions". Current Obesity Reports. 12 (1): 10–23. doi:10.1007/s13679-023-00495-3. PMC 9985585. PMID 36781624.
  45. ^ Fulton M, Dadana S, Srinivasan VN (2024). "Obesity, Stigma, and Discrimination". StatPearls. StatPearls Publishing. PMID 32119458.
  46. ^ Teachman BA, Gapinski KD, Brownell KD, Rawlins M, Jeyaram S (January 2003). "Demonstrations of implicit anti-fat bias: the impact of providing causal information and evoking empathy". Health Psychology. 22 (1): 68–78. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.457.4126. doi:10.1037/0278-6133.22.1.68. PMID 12558204.
  47. ^ Crandall CS, D'Anello S, Sakalli N, Lazarus E, Nejtardt GW, Feather NT (2001). "An attribution-model of prejudice: Anti-fat attitudes in six nations". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 27 (1): 30–37. doi:10.1177/0146167201271003. S2CID 145687152.
  48. ^ O'Brien KS, Hunter JA, Halberstadt J, Anderson J (September 2007). "Body image and explicit and implicit anti-fat attitudes: the mediating role of physical appearance comparisons". Body Image. 4 (3): 249–256. doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2007.06.001. PMID 18089271.
  49. ^ O'Brien KS, Caputi P, Minto R, Peoples G, Hooper C, Kell S, et al. (June 2009). "Upward and downward physical appearance comparisons: development of scales and examination of predictive qualities" (PDF). Body Image. 6 (3): 201–206. doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2009.03.003. PMID 19447692.
  50. ^ a b c d Himes SM, Thompson JK (March 2007). "Fat stigmatization in television shows and movies: a content analysis". Obesity. 15 (3): 712–718. doi:10.1038/oby.2007.635. PMID 17372322. S2CID 33277701.
  51. ^ a b c d e f Averill L (August 2017). "Fattitude The Movie: Theory and Praxis of Creating a Documentary that Examines Fat Representation and Fat Social Justice" (PDF).
  52. ^ Greenberg BS, Eastin M, Hofschire L, Lachlan K, Brownell KD (August 2003). "Portrayals of overweight and obese individuals on commercial television". American Journal of Public Health. 93 (8): 1342–1348. doi:10.2105/AJPH.93.8.1342. PMC 1447967. PMID 12893625.
  53. ^ Saguy AC, Almeling R (2008). "Fat in the Fire? Science, the News Media, and the "Obesity Epidemic"". Sociological Forum. 23 (1): 53–83. doi:10.1111/j.1600-0838.2004.00399.x-i1. ISSN 0884-8971. JSTOR 20110247.
  54. ^ a b Kinsley M (September 29, 2011). "Requiem for a Governor Before He's in the Ring: Michael Kinsley". Bloomberg.com. Bloomberg View. Retrieved 2011-10-06.
  55. ^ Christie C (October 4, 2011). "Pundits Pack Meaner Punch Than Comedians' Fat Jokes". The New York Times. Retrieved 2011-10-06.
  56. ^ Schwiegershausen E (November 19, 2014). "The Photographer Who Captures Fat-Shaming on Camera". The Cut. Retrieved November 20, 2014.
  57. ^ a b c Carr D, Friedman MA (September 2005). "Is obesity stigmatizing? Body weight, perceived discrimination, and psychological well-being in the United States". Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 46 (3): 244–259. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.407.990. doi:10.1177/002214650504600303. PMID 16259147. S2CID 8396227.
  58. ^ Anastasiadou D, Tárrega S, Fornieles-Deu A, Moncada-Ribera A, Bach-Faig A, Sánchez-Carracedo D (June 2024). "Experienced and internalized weight stigma among Spanish adolescents". BMC Public Health. 24 (1): 1743. doi:10.1186/s12889-024-19246-7. PMC 11218352. PMID 38951859.
  59. ^ Wardle J, Cooke L (September 2005). "The impact of obesity on psychological well-being". Best Practice & Research. Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism. 19 (3): 421–440. doi:10.1016/j.beem.2005.04.006. PMID 16150384.
  60. ^ Wann M (2009). The Fat Studies Reader. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-7630-8. JSTOR j.ctt9qg2bh.
  61. ^ Krukowski RA, West DS, Philyaw Perez A, Bursac Z, Phillips MM, Raczynski JM (2009). "Overweight children, weight-based teasing and academic performance". International Journal of Pediatric Obesity. 4 (4): 274–280. doi:10.3109/17477160902846203. PMID 19922042.
  62. ^ Kenney EL, Redman MT, Criss S, Sonneville KR, Austin SB (March 2017). "Are K-12 school environments harming students with obesity? A qualitative study of classroom teachers". Eating and Weight Disorders. 22 (1). Springer Science and Business Media LLC: 141–152. doi:10.1007/s40519-016-0268-6. PMID 26980318. S2CID 30817927.
  63. ^ Alexander KE, Alexander RG (2021). "Evidence of Weight Bias in the College Classroom: A Call for Inclusive Teaching Practices for Students of All Sizes". College Teaching. 70 (4): 461–468. doi:10.1080/87567555.2021.1978378. S2CID 239199555.
  64. ^ a b Puhl R, Suh Y (June 2015). "Health Consequences of Weight Stigma: Implications for Obesity Prevention and Treatment". Current Obesity Reports. 4 (2): 182–190. doi:10.1007/s13679-015-0153-z. PMID 26627213. S2CID 24953213.
  65. ^ Giel KE, Thiel A, Teufel M, Mayer J, Zipfel S (February 2010). "Weight bias in work settings - a qualitative review". Obesity Facts. 3 (1): 33–40. doi:10.1159/000276992. PMC 6452122. PMID 20215793.
  66. ^ "Weight bias plagues U. S. elections". Michigan State University. MSUToday. May 2014. Retrieved 7 February 2021.
  67. ^ "Weight bias plagues U.S. elections, study finds". ScienceDaily.
  68. ^ Hebl MR, Xu J (August 2001). "Weighing the care: physicians' reactions to the size of a patient". International Journal of Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders. 25 (8): 1246–1252. doi:10.1038/sj.ijo.0801681. PMID 11477511.
  69. ^ Mathur MB, Mathur VS (May 2023). "Primary Care Physicians' Perceptions of the Effects of Being Overweight on All-cause Mortality". Epidemiology. 34 (3): e19–e20. doi:10.1097/EDE.0000000000001590. PMC 10368371. PMID 36727941. S2CID 256499920.
  70. ^ Jensen MD, Ryan DH, Apovian CM, Ard JD, Comuzzie AG, Donato KA, et al. (June 2014). "2013 AHA/ACC/TOS guideline for the management of overweight and obesity in adults: a report of the American College of Cardiology/American Heart Association Task Force on Practice Guidelines and The Obesity Society". Circulation. 129 (25 Suppl 2): S102–S138. doi:10.1161/01.cir.0000437739.71477.ee. PMC 5819889. PMID 24222017.
  71. ^ a b Campbell D (28 April 2012). "Doctors back denial of treatment for smokers and the obese". The Guardian. The Observer. Retrieved 3 March 2022.
  72. ^ Schwartz MB, Chambliss HO, Brownell KD, Blair SN, Billington C (September 2003). "Weight bias among health professionals specializing in obesity". Obesity Research. 11 (9): 1033–1039. doi:10.1038/oby.2003.142. PMID 12972672.
  73. ^ Jung FU, Luck-Sikorski C, Wiemers N, Riedel-Heller SG (2015-10-14). "Dietitians and Nutritionists: Stigma in the Context of Obesity. A Systematic Review". PLOS ONE. 10 (10): e0140276. Bibcode:2015PLoSO..1040276J. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0140276. PMC 4605484. PMID 26466329.
  74. ^ MacLean L, Edwards N, Garrard M, Sims-Jones N, Clinton K, Ashley L (March 2009). "Obesity, stigma and public health planning". Health Promotion International. 24 (1): 88–93. doi:10.1093/heapro/dan041. PMID 19131400.
  75. ^ a b c d e f g h i Janssen I, Craig WM, Boyce WF, Pickett W (May 2004). "Associations between overweight and obesity with bullying behaviors in school-aged children". Pediatrics. 113 (5): 1187–1194. doi:10.1542/peds.113.5.1187. PMID 15121928.
  76. ^ Lenz EM (2017). "Influence of Experienced and Internalized Weight Stigma and Coping on Weight Loss Outcomes among Adults". Doctoral Dissertations. Retrieved 2021-09-15.
  77. ^ Hobbes M. "Everything You Know About Obesity Is Wrong". The Huffington Post. Retrieved 2021-09-14.
  78. ^ a b c d e Puhl RM, Latner JD (July 2007). "Stigma, obesity, and the health of the nation's children". Psychological Bulletin. 133 (4): 557–580. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.175.4474. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.133.4.557. PMID 17592956.
  79. ^ Davison KK, Birch LL (September 2002). "Processes linking weight status and self-concept among girls from ages 5 to 7 years". Developmental Psychology. 38 (5): 735–748. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.38.5.735. PMC 2530914. PMID 12220051.
  80. ^ "Associations of weight-based teasing and emotional well-being among adolescents". Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine. 157.
  81. ^ Russell-Mayhew S, McVey G, Bardick A, Ireland A (2012-06-24). "Mental health, wellness, and childhood overweight/obesity". Journal of Obesity. 2012: 281801. doi:10.1155/2012/281801. PMC 3388583. PMID 22778915.
  82. ^ Keery H, Boutelle K, van den Berg P, Thompson JK (August 2005). "The impact of appearance-related teasing by family members". The Journal of Adolescent Health. 37 (2): 120–127. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2004.08.015. PMID 16026721.
  83. ^ Neumark-Sztainer D, Falkner N, Story M, Perry C, Hannan PJ, Mulert S (January 2002). "Weight-teasing among adolescents: correlations with weight status and disordered eating behaviors". International Journal of Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders. 26 (1): 123–131. doi:10.1038/sj.ijo.0801853. PMID 11791157.
  84. ^ Haines J, Neumark-Sztainer D, Eisenberg ME, Hannan PJ (February 2006). "Weight teasing and disordered eating behaviors in adolescents: longitudinal findings from Project EAT (Eating Among Teens)". Pediatrics. 117 (2): e209–e215. doi:10.1542/peds.2005-1242. PMID 16452330. S2CID 1578839.
  85. ^ Kaltiala-Heino R, Rissanen A, Rimpelä M, Rantanen P (July 1999). "Bulimia and bulimic behaviour in middle adolescence: more common than thought?". Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica. 100 (1): 33–39. doi:10.1111/j.1600-0447.1999.tb10911.x. PMID 10442437. S2CID 33760723.
  86. ^ Farhat T, Iannotti RJ, Simons-Morton BG (March 2010). "Overweight, obesity, youth, and health-risk behaviors". American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 38 (3): 258–267. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2009.10.038. PMC 2826832. PMID 20171527.
  87. ^ a b Schafer MH, Ferraro KF (2011-03-01). "The Stigma of Obesity Does Perceived Weight Discrimination Affect Identity and Physical Health?". Social Psychology Quarterly. 74 (1): 76–97. doi:10.1177/0190272511398197. ISSN 0190-2725. S2CID 43671749.
  88. ^ a b c d Hunger JM, Major B, Blodorn A, Miller CT (June 2015). "Weighed down by stigma: How weight-based social identity threat contributes to weight gain and poor health". Social and Personality Psychology Compass. 9 (6): 255–268. doi:10.1111/spc3.12172. PMC 5720363. PMID 29225670.
  89. ^ Bombak AE (November 2015). "Obese persons' physical activity experiences and motivations across weight changes: a qualitative exploratory study". BMC Public Health. 15: 1129. doi:10.1186/s12889-015-2456-0. PMC 4650293. PMID 26577260.
  90. ^ a b c d Puhl RM, King KM (April 2013). "Weight discrimination and bullying". Best Practice & Research. Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism. 27 (2): 117–127. doi:10.1016/j.beem.2012.12.002. PMID 23731874.
  91. ^ Tomiyama AJ, Epel ES, McClatchey TM, Poelke G, Kemeny ME, McCoy SK, et al. (August 2014). "Associations of weight stigma with cortisol and oxidative stress independent of adiposity". Health Psychology. 33 (8): 862–867. doi:10.1037/hea0000107. PMC 4677673. PMID 25068456.
  92. ^ Hunger JM, Major B, Blodorn A, Miller CT (June 2015). "Weighed down by stigma: How weight-based social identity threat contributes to weight gain and poor health". Social and Personality Psychology Compass. 9 (6): 255–268. doi:10.1111/spc3.12172. PMC 5720363. PMID 29225670.
  93. ^ Purcell C (2017-10-26). "'No Fatties': When Health Care Hurts". Longreads. Retrieved 2018-05-06.
  94. ^ Jackson SE, Beeken RJ, Wardle J (May 2015). "Obesity, perceived weight discrimination, and psychological well-being in older adults in England". Obesity. 23 (5): 1105–1111. doi:10.1002/oby.21052. PMC 4414736. PMID 25809860.
  95. ^ a b Phelan SM, Burgess DJ, Puhl R, Dyrbye LN, Dovidio JF, Yeazel M, et al. (September 2015). "The Adverse Effect of Weight Stigma on the Well-Being of Medical Students with Overweight or Obesity: Findings from a National Survey". Journal of General Internal Medicine. 30 (9): 1251–1258. doi:10.1007/s11606-015-3266-x. PMC 4539327. PMID 26173517.
  96. ^ Sikorski C, Luppa M, Luck T, Riedel-Heller SG (February 2015). "Weight stigma "gets under the skin"-evidence for an adapted psychological mediation framework: a systematic review". Obesity. 23 (2): 266–276. doi:10.1002/oby.20952. PMID 25627624. S2CID 8497074.
  97. ^ a b c d e f g Papadopoulos S, Brennan L (September 2015). "Correlates of weight stigma in adults with overweight and obesity: A systematic literature review". Obesity. 23 (9): 1743–1760. doi:10.1002/oby.21187. PMID 26260279.
  98. ^ a b c Puhl R, Suh Y (March 2015). "Stigma and eating and weight disorders". Current Psychiatry Reports. 17 (3): 552. doi:10.1007/s11920-015-0552-6. PMID 25652251. S2CID 207338325.
  99. ^ Gavin GC (4 January 2015). "What's Wrong With 'Fat Shaming?'". psychologytoday.com. Psychology Today. Retrieved 7 November 2017.
  100. ^ Jovančević A, Jović M (June 2022). "The Relation Between Anti-Fat Stereotypes and Anti-Fat Prejudices: The Role of Gender as a Moderator". Psychological Reports. 125 (3). SAGE Publications: 1687–1713. doi:10.1177/00332941211005123. PMID 33789533. S2CID 232481900.
  101. ^ Puhl R, Brownell KD (December 2001). "Bias, discrimination, and obesity". Obesity Research. 9 (12): 788–805. doi:10.1038/oby.2001.108. PMID 11743063.
  102. ^ Stunkard AJ, Sørensen TI (September 1993). "Obesity and socioeconomic status--a complex relation". The New England Journal of Medicine. 329 (14): 1036–1037. doi:10.1056/NEJM199309303291411. PMID 8366906.
  103. ^ Tehran, Elizabeth E. (2005). Legal theory on weight discrimination. In K. Brownell, R. Puhl, M. Schwartz, & L. Rudd (Eds.), Weight bias: nature, consequences, and remedies (pp. 195–211). New York, NY.
  104. ^ "Mayor Adams Signs Legislation To Prohibit Height Or Weight Discrimination In Employment, Housing, An". The official website of the City of New York. May 26, 2023.
  105. ^ Puhl RM, Latner JD, O'Brien KS, Luedicke J, Danielsdottir S, Salas XR (December 2015). "Potential Policies and Laws to Prohibit Weight Discrimination: Public Views from 4 Countries". The Milbank Quarterly. 93 (4): 691–731. doi:10.1111/1468-0009.12162. PMC 4678937. PMID 26626983.
  106. ^ Ogden CL, Carroll MD, Kit BK, Flegal KM (February 2014). "Prevalence of childhood and adult obesity in the United States, 2011-2012". JAMA. 311 (8): 806–814. doi:10.1001/jama.2014.732. PMC 4770258. PMID 24570244.
  107. ^ Hart EA, Sbrocco T, Carter MM (January 2016). "Ethnic Identity and Implicit Anti-fat Bias: Similarities and Differences between African American and Caucasian Women". Ethnicity & Disease. 26 (1): 69–76. doi:10.18865/ed.26.1.69 (inactive 1 November 2024). PMC 4738857. PMID 26843798.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of November 2024 (link)
  108. ^ Strings S, Johnson A (2020). Fearing the Black Body. Tantor Media, Inc. OCLC 1251720412. Retrieved 2022-04-07.
  109. ^ a b Strings S (2019). Fearing the black body : the racial origins of fat phobia. New York: New York University Press. ISBN 978-1-4798-8675-3. OCLC 1050457278.
  110. ^ Mollow A (2017-06-22). "Unvictimizable: Toward a Fat Black Disability Studies". African American Review. 50 (2): 105–123. doi:10.1353/afa.2017.0016. S2CID 149222407.
  111. ^ Himmelstein MS, Puhl RM, Quinn DM (October 2017). "Intersectionality: An Understudied Framework for Addressing Weight Stigma". American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 53 (4): 421–431. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2017.04.003. PMID 28579331.
  112. ^ Wann M (2009). "Foreword: Fat Studies: An Invitation to Revolution". In Rothblum E, Solovay S (eds.). The Fat Studies Reader. New York University Press. p. xi. ISBN 9780814776407. Retrieved 14 November 2021.
  113. ^ Zoller C (6 April 2021). "What Terms Like "Superfat" and "Small Fat" Mean, and How They Are Used". Teenvogue. Retrieved 27 August 2008.
  114. ^ a b c d e Meadows A, Daníelsdóttir S (2016-10-05). "What's in a Word? On Weight Stigma and Terminology". Frontiers in Psychology. 7: 1527. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01527. PMC 5051141. PMID 27761122.
  115. ^ NAAFA (14 June 2015). "ASK PEOPLE FIRST About People First Language". prlog.org. Retrieved 27 August 2023.
  116. ^ Brochu PM, Esses VM (August 2011). "What's in a Name? The Effects of the Labels "Fat" Versus "Overweight" on Weight Bias". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 41 (8): 1981–2008. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2011.00786.x. ISSN 0021-9029.
  117. ^ Smith CA, Schmoll K, Konik J, Oberlander S (May 2007). "Carrying Weight for the World: Influence of Weight Descriptors on Judgments of Large-Sized Women". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 37 (5): 989–1006. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2007.00196.x. ISSN 0021-9029.
  118. ^ Harker Y (2015). Fat Rights and Fat Discrimination: An Annotated Bibliography (Thesis). CUNY School of Law.
  119. ^ "obesity | Etymology, origin and meaning of obesity by etymonline". www.etymonline.com. Retrieved 2022-04-19.
  120. ^ Gordon A (2021-05-28). "'Fat' Isn't a Bad Word—It's Just the Way I Describe My Body". SELF. Retrieved 2022-03-30.

Further reading

[edit]
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Social_stigma_of_obesity&oldid=1259124613"