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Komati (caste)

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Komati
British Raj-era Komati mother and child, Madras Presidency, 1909
Kuladevi (female)Vāsavi Kanyakā Parameśvari
ReligionsHinduism • Jainism
Languages Kannada, Telugu, Odia(amongst Kalinga Komati's), Marathi(amongst Marathi Komati's), Hindi(including MP, Chattisgarh and other Hindi speaking states)
CountryIndia
RegionAndhra Pradesh, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Odisha
SubdivisionsArya Vysya (Ārya Vaiśya), Kalinga Kumuti (Kaliṅga Vaiśya), Thrivarnika Komati (Trivarṇika Vaiśya), Jain Komati (Jaina Kōmaṭi),

The Komati (Kōmaṭi, Kūmūti or Kūmaṭi) is a trading community [1][2] which is currently organised as a caste. They are primarily found in Central and South Indian states of Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Odisha, Karnataka.[2][3][1] Small communities of Komati's are also present in the neighbouring states of Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Chattisgarh. The members of the Komati caste are commonly engaged as moneylenders, businessmen, and shopkeepers.[4][5] The community consists of many sects who are followers of Hinduism, namely the Gomata (Arya Vysya), the Thrivarnika, and the Kalinga, along with the Jaina Komatis who are followers of Jainism. Traditionally, most Komatis are vegetarian due to their belief in ahimsa (nonviolence).[6]

Etymology and terminology

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The origin of the word "Komati" is uncertain, and there are several speculative theories about it.[7][8][9]

The affinity of the word "Komati" to "Gomata" has led to speculation that the word is derived from Gomata (Gomateshwara), the name of a Jain deity.[10] This theory is supported by scholars such as C. Dwarakanath Gupta,[11] and Jaisetty Ramanaiah;[12] B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao also mentions this as the most reasonable of the theories, noting that it is a "derivation of the word from gomata, the great Jaina saint, which implies that they were followers of Gomata cult or were originally Jains".[13][14] Gupta theorises the Komatis were originally traders from Gauda in Bengal, who adopted Jainism and followed the cult of Gomata. They later gave up Jainism and embraced Vedic Hinduism.[11] Hanumantha Rao noted that the merchant classes preferred Jainism for gaining social status and respectability, and the erstwhile Banias became Gomati or followers of the Gomata cult in medieval times.[15]

An alternative etymology mentioned by Gupta derives the name of the caste from the name of a river. He states that the Komatis are said to have originally lived on the banks of Gomati, a local name for the Godavari River.[11] Yet another theory states that the name of the community is derived from the Telugu phrase konu-ammu-atti ("persons engaged in the exchange of goods").[9] Colonial ethnographers Edgar Thurston and R. V. Russell derived "Komati" from the Sanskrit term "Gomathi," believed to have the meaning of possessor or keeper of cows or Ko-mati ("to be fox minded"), which references their business acumen.[16][17] An origin story accepted by many in the community is mentioned in the Kanyaka Purana which states that Shiva gave them the name Go-mati ("cow-minded").[11]

The term "Vaisya" has been used to refer to Komatis.[18] The term "Komati" also has a denotation of "trader in the north of Madras and corresponded to chetty".[19]

History

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There is epigraphic evidence that the term Komati was in use by the 11th century CE.[20] The Komati merchants were associated with the town of Penugonda in the West Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh.[21] Also The deity in Penugonda temple "Vasavi Kanyaka Parameshvari" considered as the Goddess of Komati or Vaishya Caste.

Inscriptions from the erstwhile Godavari, Krishna and Guntur districts from 11th century refer to the merchants referred to as the "Lords of Penugonda".[22][23] The wealthier sections of the Komatis were addressed as Setti, Chetti or Chettiyar, all derived from the Sanskrit term Sreshthi.[24] Their trade associations bore the name nagaram. They also participated in long-distance trade networks called pekkandru (literally "the many").[25] During the times of the Vijayanagara Empire, they moved to various parts of South India to further their businesses.[26] During the empire's reign, they emerged as prominent merchants in South Indian trade, and sought to be considered as Vaishyas, the third highest varna in the Hindu caste system. During this time, the Komati and Balija competed.[27]

During the pre-colonial period, Komatis migrated "to the Malayan peninsula".[28] Komatis also immigrated to Malaysia in the 1930s.[29]

After the arrival of European trading companies, the Komati merchants were among the local traders that partnered with them. The British referred to them as "Committys" and often used the term generically for all merchants on the Coromandel coast. Among the "Committys" that the British dealt with were the bulk sellers of cloth and other export commodities, money lenders and money changers, and the individual shop-keepers.[30] The second Chief Merchant of the British East India Company in Madras was a Komati called Kasi Viranna, appointed in 1669.[31] There was fierce competition in George Town between the Tamil-speaking Beeri merchants, who formed the 'left-hand' caste division and the Komati and Balija merchants, who were referred to as the 'right-hand' caste division[32] and who also led the right-hand castes.[33] Other "right hand" castes included those of washermen, barbers, potters, tank-diggers, Yenadis (tribals), and outcastes.[34] The competition between the divisions gave rise to riots and disputes in 1652 and 1707. The British were able to settle the disputes between left-hand and right-hand caste divisions amicably by resettling members to designated areas in George Town which is a small neighbourhood in the city of Chennai.[32]

Niyogi Brahmins and the Maha-nad opposed the attempts of Komatis to designate themselves as Vaishyas. The Maha-nad was a multi-caste secret assembly that was created to exact retribution for breaking the rules and rights of castes. The Maha-nad was led by Niyogi Brahmins, Chettiars, and Telagas. Whenever the Komatis attempted to perform orthodox rites (especially the Upanayana ceremony), the Maha-nad would disrupt the ceremonies. The leaders of the Maha-nad would invade the house of Komatis and disrupt the sacrificial fire, rendering the ceremony useless. The Maha-nad would hire throngs of untouchables to attack the houses of Komatis and vandalise them with cattle bones, blood, human feces, and cattle feces mixed with water. The Vaidiki Brahmins who served as family priests for the Komatis were, unlike their Niyogi Brahmin counterparts, unconcerned with the idea that Komatis were infringing the boundaries between lower once-born and upper twice born castes. From 1784–1825, the majority of Komatis conducted the Upanayana ceremonies according to the Kanyaki Purana, a late medieval Telugu text sacred to the Komatis. These Upanayana ceremonies were completely in Telugu and conducted right before a Komati man's marriage, however a few wealthier Komati families were able to afford the orthodox Sanskrit Upanayana for younger bachelor men. The orthodox Sanskrit version allowed Komatis to perform further orthodox rites, and Vaidiki Brahmins were fine in officiating them. By 1825, the two versions had mixed into a part-Telugu, part-Sanskrit ceremony. By the 1830s, the Komatis began to phase out their native Telugu Komati elements of their rituals.[35]

Lengthy legal battles ensued between the Vaidiki and Niyogi Brahmins on whether the Komatis were allowed to perform orthodox Vaishya rites. The Vaidikis argued that there was nothing in the Vedas that prohibited the Komatis from performing their own Telugu versions of the Upanayana. They stated that since it was a well known fact that Komatis called themselves Vaishyas and their men wore the sacred thread, there was no reason prohibiting them from moving on to the orthodox Sanskrit versions of the Upanayana ceremony. The Niyogis argued that while they did indeed call themselves Vaishyas, they could not be real Vaishyas due to Hindu chronology. According to Hindu chronology, Vaishyas had become extinct in Kali Yuga, the final time period in Hindu cosmology. Additionally, the Niyogis stated that the Komatis performed the Upanayana incorrectly due to the fact that the majority of them had it performed right before an man's marriage, rather than at age 24 which the orthodox texts state a Vaishya bachelor should have the ceremony conducted. They argued that since the Komatis could not be real Vaishyas and performed the Upanayana incorrectly, they had renounced their right to do so and that there was nothing they could do to atone for it. Legal battles ensued for decades, with British officials being unable to resolve the conflict and agitation between Komatis and Niyogis.[35]

In the 1800s, Komatis were involved with the indigo and cotton trade.[36] Komatis were "founding import-export firms, particularly in timber, sugar and liquor, construction and engineering companies, and western style banks" by the late 1800s.[36] Komatis were involved with modernizing the commercial activity in Madras.[36] Most Komatis were involved with the trade of oil, salt, grains, fruits and vegetables or were moneylenders or textile merchants.[36] In 1905 the Komatis founded the South Indian Vaishya Sangam.[37] The Komati community during the colonial period changed their name to the Arya Vaisya Community.[37]

By the 20th century, the Komatis had begun calling themselves according to the orthodox rishi gotras, rather than their native 102 gotras, which were inappropriate in accordance with the rules for Vaishya gotras. Over the 19th century, many Komatis became wealthy and in the 1901 census, were the only Telugu caste to be ranked as Vaishya. Spurred by this recognition, in 1905, prominent Komatis formed the Southern India Vysya Association, and in the 1921 census, tens of thousands of Komatis were recorded as Vaishyas.[35]

Practices

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Vasavi Mata is considered the Kuladevata of Komatis.[38] Kanyaki Purana – a late medieval sacred text in Telugu – is their key religious text.[39] The Kanyaka Purana is an oral epic, and today the Skanda Purana is associated with a written Sanskrit version of the Kanyaka Purana off of which the Kanyaka Purana is performed.[40] Records are available for a Kanyaka Parameswari temple built on a garden owned by the Komati community in George Town, Madras in the early 18th century.[38]

Komatis regard themselves as a `twice-born' caste, meaning that they are allowed to wear a sacred thread following an initiation ceremony (the upanayana).[39]

Komati sub-groups

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Arya Vysya

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Arya Vysya (or Arya Vyshya) is a subset of the Komati caste. Arya Vysyas are traditionally vegetarian;[41] ahimsa is important to Arya Vysyas. Orthodox Arya Vysyas follow rituals prescribed in the Vasavi Puranam, a religious text written in the late Middle Ages. The community were formerly known as Komati Chettiars but now prefer to be referred to as Arya Vysyas.[42]

Some sources say that "Vysyas" are also called Arya Vysyas.[43]

Arya Vysyas worship deities that belong to "both Vaishnavite and Saivite sects".[6]

The Komati merchants along with Balijas became notable as trading communities during the period of the Vijayanagara Empire (1325-1565 CE), and desired Vaishya status.[35]

The Mackenzie manuscripts provide a record of a copper plate grant of guru Bhaskaracharya (16th century CE), given by the 102 gotras which formed the Gavara grouping. According to the Vasavi Purana, the Vaisyas of Penugonda and 17 other towns belonged to a group of Vaisyas of 714 gotras. However, the 102 gotras of Gavaras separated out, and formed the Gavara Komati community.[44][45]

Kalinga Vysya

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Kalinga Vysyas are a group of Kumutis residing in Kalinga, Odia speaking regions of ancient India was a flux of kingdoms and territories that made communities to constantly change and adapt to the social and religious currents of the time. Kalinga Komatis were patrons of Buddhism and later to Lord Jaganath. Kalinga Vysyas "worship deities belonging to both Vaishnavite and Saivite sects".[6] Kalinga Vysyas are found in the old Kalinga country, from Visakhapatnam to "contiguous areas in Orissa [sic] state".[6]

Thrivarnika Vysya

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Thrivarnika Vysyas call themselves Thrivarnika Vaishnavites.[6] They say that their community started in the 11th century at the time of Ramanuja.[6]

Jain Komati

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Followers of Gommateshwara were traditionally Komati merchants spread across central and south India. Komatis still practice many aspects of Jainism like Ahimsa, Lacto-vegetarian diet and engaging in trade. They venerate the princess Shanthi Matha Vasavi for upholding Ahimsa and avoiding wars. Komatis were patrons of Jainism and built many Basadis for monks and temples for Santhi Matha Vasavi throughout Central and South India in the Dravidian style of architecture. Many temple grants, charities were done by wealthy Komati merchants, the discovery of the last Jain temple of the Komati era in present Telangana stands testament to the Komati patronage of Jainism.[46]

Beeri Vysya

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Beeri Komatis are the larger set of Vysyas numbering over 1000 endogamous grouping, majority of them were not ready to abide by the solitary decision of the princess. Most were willing to fight the King Vishnuvardhana and some wanted to strengthen the existing alliances. This led to a fallout with the Komatis not willing to fight or wage wars nor submit to the kings demands, the latter being the more powerful adversary.

Demographics

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Arya Vysyas are the largest subsect of Komatis, with Kalinga Vysyas being the second largest subsect.[6] The Thrivarnika Vysyas are lesser in number than both Arya Vyyas and Kalinga Vysyas.[6]

References

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  1. ^ a b Naidu, Thalapaneni Subramanyam (1990). Growth and Development of Tirumala-Tirupati as a Dimension of Indian Civilization. Anthropological Survey of India. p. 63. The Komati (Vaisyas) is numerically a large trading caste in Andhra Pradesh, Tamilnadu, and Karnataka. The Komatis speak Telugu.
  2. ^ a b Murthy, B. E. V. V. Narasimha (1989). Entrepreneurship in Small Towns. Mittal Publications. p. 92. The Komatis are the great trading caste found in almost all districts of Madras Presidency. They are further found in Karnataka and Maharastra states. The Komatis everywhere speak Telugu.
  3. ^ Pandey, Alpana (11 August 2015). Medieval Andhra: A Socio-Historical Perspective. Partridge Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4828-5017-8.
  4. ^ Hiebert, Paul G. (8 February 1971). Konduru: Structure and Integration in a South Indian Village. University of Minnesota Press. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-8166-5787-2. Komatis by tradition are moneylenders, bankers, and shopkeepers.
  5. ^ Census of India, 1961. Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India. 1962. p. 7. For ages, the traditional occupation of Komatis is business and money-lending. The two major sects among the Komati caste are Gavara Komati and Kalinga Komati. The Gavara Komatis are strict vegetarians while the Kalinga Komatis are non-vegetarians.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h N. Lakshmiy; D. A. Demarchi; P. Veerrajuy; T. V. Raoy (2002). "Population structure and genetic differentiation among the substructured Vysya caste population in comparison to the other populations of Andhra Pradesh, India". Annals of Human Biology. 29 (5): 539. doi:10.1080/03014460110114707. PMID 12396373. S2CID 32414548.
  7. ^ B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao (1995). Social Mobility in Medieval Andhra. Telugu University. p. 176. No satisfactory origin and meaning of the word Komati could so far be traced.
  8. ^ Syed Siraj ul Hassan (1920). The Castes and Tribes of H.E.H. the Nizam's Dominions. Asian Educational Services. p. 340. ISBN 978-81-206-0488-9. The etymology of the word ' Komti ' is uncertain and throws no light upon the origin of the caste.
  9. ^ a b Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society. Andhra Historical Research Society. 1963. p. 212. While attempting to explain its origin, many stories have been invented, but none of them is satisfactory.
  10. ^ Śrīpāda Gōpālakr̥ṣṇamūrti (1963). Jain Vestiges in Andhra. Government of Andhra Pradesh. p. 88.
  11. ^ a b c d C. Dwarakanath Gupta (1999). Socio-cultural History of an Indian Caste. Mittal Publications. pp. 9–10. ISBN 978-81-7099-726-9.
  12. ^ Jaisetty Ramanaiah (1989). Temples of South India: A Study of Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist Monuments of the Deccan. Concept Publishing Company. p. 247. ISBN 978-81-7022-223-1.
  13. ^ Rao, B. S. L. Hanumantha. Social mobility in Medieval Andhra. p. 176.
  14. ^ B. S. L., 1995. Socio-cultural history of ancient and medieval Andhra, p. 155. Volume 172 of Telugu Viśvavidyālaya pracuraṇa. Telugu University.
  15. ^ Rao, Hanumantha B. S. L., 1973. Religion in Āndhra: a survey of religious developments in Āndhra from early times upto A.D. 1325, Part 1325, Issue 69 of Archaeological series. Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh, p. 175
  16. ^ Gupta, C. Dwarakanath; Bhaskar, Sepuri (1 December 1992), Vysyas: a sociological study, Ashish Pub. House, p. 10, ISBN 978-81-7024-450-9
  17. ^ Russell, R. V. (1916), The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Volume III of IV, Library of Alexandria, pp. 487–, ISBN 978-1-4655-8303-1
  18. ^ Jangam, Chinnaiah (22 June 2013). "The Story of a Jailed Prince; Feudal Roots of Democratic Politics in Andhra Pradesh". Economic & Political Weekly. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  19. ^ Bhattacharya, Bhaswati (2010). "Mutual Heritage of the Low Countries and South Asia". 53 (4). Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient: 656. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  20. ^ Madras, Andhra Historical Research Society, Rajahmundry; Society, Andhra Historical Research (1964), Journal of the Andhra Historical Society, Andhra Historical Research Society, p. 212{{citation}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  21. ^ Raychaudhuri, Tapan; Habib, Irfan; Kumar, Dharma (1982), The Cambridge Economic History of India: Volume 1, C.1200-c.1750, CUP Archive, pp. 120–, ISBN 978-0-521-22692-9
  22. ^ Sundaram, K. (1968), Studies in Economic and Social Conditions of Medieval Andhra: A.D. 1000-1600, Triveni Publishers, p. 58
  23. ^ Talbot 2001, p. 53.
  24. ^ Talbot 2001, p. 59.
  25. ^ Talbot 2001, p. 81.
  26. ^ Ramaswamy, Vijaya (2014), "Silk and Weavers of Silk in Medieval Peninsular India", The Medieval History Journal, 17 (1): 145–169, doi:10.1177/0971945814528422, S2CID 162729378
  27. ^ Price 2000, p. 33-34.
  28. ^ Satyanarayana, Adapa (2002). ""Birds of Passage": Migration of South Indian Laborers to Southeast Asia". Routledge: Taylor & Francis Group: 92. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  29. ^ Satyanarayana, Adapa (2002). ""Birds of Passage": Migration of South Indian Laborers to Southeast Asia". Routledge: Taylor & Francis Group: 109–110. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  30. ^ Mukund, Kanakalatha (1999), The Trading World of the Tamil Merchant: Evolution of Merchant Capitalism in the Coromandel, Orient Blackswan, pp. 62–, ISBN 978-81-250-1661-8
  31. ^ Brennig, Joseph J. (1977), "Chief Merchants and the European Enclaves of Seventeenth-Century Coromandel", Modern Asian Studies, 11 (3): 321–340, doi:10.1017/s0026749x00014177, JSTOR 311502, S2CID 145495867
  32. ^ a b Mines, Mattison (1992), "Individuality and Achievement in South Indian Social History", Modern Asian Studies, 26 (1): 129–156, doi:10.1017/s0026749x00015973, JSTOR 312720, S2CID 146390325
  33. ^ Harijan, Vikram (2008). "Proceedings of the Indian History Congress". 69. Indian History Congress: 309–315. JSTOR 44147194. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  34. ^ Price 2000, p. 34.
  35. ^ a b c d Price, Pamela G. (2000). "Conflict Processing and Political Mobilization in Nineteenth Century South India". In John Jeya Paul; Keith E. Yandell (eds.). Religion and public culture: encounters and identities in modern South India. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press. pp. 33–55. ISBN 9780700711017.
  36. ^ a b c d Lewandowski, Susan J. (1985). "Merchants and Kingship: An Interpretation of Indian Urban History". Journal of Urban History: 170. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  37. ^ a b Lewandowski, Susan J. (1985). "Merchants and Kingship: An Interpretation of Indian Urban History". Journal of Urban History: 172. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help),
  38. ^ a b Neve, Geert de; Donner, Henrike (24 January 2007), The Meaning of the Local: Politics of Place in Urban India, CRC Press, pp. 102–, ISBN 978-1-135-39216-1
  39. ^ a b Price 2000, p. 35.
  40. ^ Johnson, W. J. (2009). A Dictionary of Hinduism. Oxford University Press.
  41. ^ "Opportunity for natural selection among three endogamous subpopulations of Andhra Pradesh". 11 (1). Indian Journal of Human Genetics. January–June 2005. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  42. ^ Mines, Mattison (2014). "The Political Economy of Patronage, Preeminence and the State in Chennai". In Piliavsky, Anastasia (ed.). Patronage as Politics in South Asia. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107056084.
  43. ^ Gupta, Dwarakanath (1999). Socio-Cultural History of an Indian Caste. Mittal Publications. p. 12.
  44. ^ Keith E. Yandell Keith E. Yandell, John J. Paul, ed. (1980). Religion and Public Culture: Encounters and Identities in Modern South India. Routledge. p. 23. ISBN 9781136818080. According to the myth of origin of the Gavara Komatis, they contained 102 gotras ( clan or sibs ), descendents of the heads of 102 gotras who immolated themselves in a sacrificial fire, with the intention of thwarting a king during the early medieval period.
  45. ^ Andhra Historical Research Society, 1964. Journal of the Andhra Historical Society, Volume 30, Parts 1-4, Pages 207-209.
  46. ^ "Inscription on last Jain temple in Telangana found". The Hindu. 19 June 2016. ISSN 0971-751X. Retrieved 15 August 2023.
Sources

Further reading

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