1927 Indiana bituminous strike

The 1927 Indiana Bituminous Strike was a movement led by the United Mine Workers of America) against the Indiana County Court and local bituminous coal companies. The reasons for the strike were the issuing of injunctions to reduce workers' pay and cut down on labor unions. It was also an effort made by the United Mine Workers of America to protect coal workers' benefits, health and dignity.

Background

The end of World War I brought a dramatic decline in both the coal market and the American economy. During this time, coal miners were an economic and political force in mining towns like Rossiter, Pennsylvania. As a result, large interest groups associated with coal companies and the local government attempted to exploit the miners for political and financial gains. Many of the large coal industries were also limited by the political powers from the Republican Party. These powerful institutions cut workers’ payments below the agreed union worker’s wage — $7.50 per day — to reduce labor costs and compete with cheaper non-union labor in southern areas.

This mistreatment extended to large work burdens with minimal support. Required to work at least 14 hours per day in the tunnels, the miners had limited access to healthy food, water and were poorly provided with secure advice. They were broadly exposed to danger. Many coal miners had no protection for their health, security, or dignity. Facing this, coal workers, supported by the UMWA (United Mine Workers of America), sought changes by negotiation. However, no agreements were reached and the operators were determined to cut wages. The miners then turned to protest. As a result, the 1927 Rossiter Coal Strike began.

The strike

In August 1927, around 800 Rossiter workers walked off the job and joined 45,000 other Pennsylvania miners and 200,000 nationwide workers in protest. They held rallies, meetings, sang hymns in churches, and encouraged other workers to join them. As the strike expanded, Judge Jonathan Langham, serving on the Court of Common Pleas of Indiana County, Pennsylvania, published several sweeping injunctions against the protesters, putting a halt to their collective activities. He outlawed rallies, meetings, advertisements and complaints on newspapers and singing hymns.

“During the infamous labour conflicts of the 1920s, Langham, who owned stock in local coal companies and whose campaigns were heavily financed by the railroads and coal companies, used the power of the bench to assist in the battles against labour and the unions.” Also, a private police organization called the “Coal and Iron Police” controlled the striking workers. The Coal and Iron Police was regulated by the Indiana County, but were actually paid by mine owners to intimidate workers and prevent the strike from spreading further. In many areas, the Coal and Iron Police were accused of assault, kidnapping, rape, and murder. They also invaded miners’ homes and expelled anyone inside before destroying the house and property. According to a letter sent by R.J. Evans, by October 29, 230 eviction notices had been served and 120 families had moved out.

Supported by the UMWA, hundreds of workers, nearly 67 homeless families stayed in barracks made of tarpaper boards, while still facing the harassment from state police and mine guards. A J. Phillips, a strike leader, described several instances of harassment. In one instance, "nine state constabulary or coal and iron police, two on horses and seven walking on foot, chased our people right down on the side of the road, and crowded the people off the road." During the time spent in the barracks, coal workers had been trying to assemble, hold meetings and negotiate.

Aftermath

In late February 1928, the Interstate Commerce Committee of the United States of America arrived in Indiana County after hearing the news. Senator Wheeler pointed out the dangerous impact and aftermath of Judge Jonathan Langham’s injunction. "If the courts of this nation are going to be used to enjoin religious proceedings guaranteed to the people by the Constitution, then we have no legal Government. I will say you are just breeding anarchy by that sort of thing." After several negotiations, by the end of August 1928, almost every mine worked was non-union. In 1929, around 50% of non-union workers left coal companies with families for new states like Ohio, seeking new and better careers.

On May 14, 1933, 700 workers joined the United Mine Workers after the speech by Philip Murray at a rally in Clymer, a town 10 miles north of Indiana. In the late 1930s, the United Mine Workers helped gain over 46% of Indiana County vote for the Democratic Party, taking the place of Republican Party for local politics. After the restructuring of coal marketing and regulations, the United Mine Workers were provided with the new option of collective bargaining, which largely improved mining work in general.

As a significant mining strike in 1920s America, the Rossiter Strike revealed the extreme inequities and injustices faced by coal workers. It showed the influence of coal mine owners on governmental institutions. These agencies were unfortunately driven by economic and political profits, which exacerbated workers' troubles with basic living and working conditions.

External reading

• Rossiter Strike Injunction Marker

• Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath by Irwin M. Marcus, James P. Dougherty, and Eileen Mountjoy Cooper Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA

• Diary Of A Strike: George Medrick And the Coal Strike Of 1927 In Western Pennsylvania, by Ronald L. Filippelli

• Rossiter Strike Injunction Historical Marker — ExplorePaHistory.com:

• Workers in America: A Historical Encyclopedia by Robert E. Weir