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1927 Indiana bituminous strike

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The 1927 Indiana Bituminous Strike was a movement led by UMWA (the United Mine Workers of America) against the Indiana County Court and local bituminous coal companies. The reasons for the strike were the issuing of injunctions to reduce workers' pay and cut down labour unions. It was also an effort made by the United Mine Workers of America to protect coal workers' benefits, health and dignity.

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In August 1927, approximately 800 Rossiter miners joined 45,000 Pennsylvania miners and 200,000 striking miners, in shutting down local bituminous coal companies.

Background

The end of World War I brought a dramatic decline in both the coal market and the American economy. During this time, in mining towns like Rossiter, Pennsylvania, coal miners were an economic and political driving force. As a result, large interest groups associated with coal companies and the local government attempted to exploit the miners for political and financial gains. Many of the large coal industries were also limited by the political powers from the Republican Party. These powerful institutions cut workers’ payments below the agreed union worker’s wage---$7.50 per day --- in order to reduce labour costs and compete with cheaper non-union labour in southern areas.[1] In addition, with huge work burdens, the union coal workers were badly treated. Required to work at least 14 hours per day in the tunnels, the miners had limited access to healthy food, water and were poorly provided with secure advice. They were broadly exposed to danger. Many coal miners had no protection for their health, security, or dignity. Facing such a tough situation, coal workers, supported by the UMWA (the United Mine Workers of America), sought changes by negotiation with bituminous coal companies. However, no agreements were reached and the operators were determined to cut the labour wage. With no options left, the miners turned to protest. As a result, the famous 1927 Rossiter Coal Strike began.

The strike

In August 1927, around 800 Rossiter workers walked off the job and joined 45,000 other Pennsylvania miners and 200,000 nationwide workers in protest. They held rallies, meetings, sang hymns in churches, and encouraged other workers to join them.[2] As the strike expanded, Judge Jonathan Langham, serving on the Court of Common Pleas of Indiana County, Pennsylvania, published several sweeping injunctions against the protesters, putting a halt to their collective activities. He outlawed rallies, meetings, advertisement and complaints on newspapers and singing hymns. “During the infamous labour conflicts of the 1920s, Langham, who owned stock in local coal companies and whose campaigns were heavily financed by the railroads and coal companies, used the power of the bench to assist in the battles against labour and the unions.” [3] Also, a private police organization called “Coal and Iron Police” controlled the striking workers. The Coal and Iron Police was regulated by Indiana County but actually paid by mine owners to intimidate workers and prevent the strike from further spreading. In many areas, the Coal and Iron Police was accused of a series of inhuman behaviors, such as assault, kidnapping, rape, murder. They also invaded miners’ homes and expelled anyone inside before destroying the house and property. According to a letter sent by R.J. Evans, by October 29, 230 eviction notices had been served and 120 families had moved out.[4] Supported by the UMWA, hundreds of workers, nearly 67 homeless families stayed in barracks made of tarpaper boards, while still facing the harassment from state police and mine guards. A J. Phillips, a strike leader, described several instances of harassment. In one instance " . . . nine state constabulary or coal and iron police, two on horses and seven walking on foot, chased our people right down on the side of the road, and crowded the people off the road....".[5] During the time spent in the barracks, coal workers had been trying to assemble, hold meetings and negotiate about further plan. However, under the massive control and monitoring by the state, they could barely make a move.

Aftermath

In late February 1928, the Interstate Commerce Committee of the United States of America arrived in Indiana County after hearing the news. Senator Wheeler pointed out the dangerous impact and aftermath of Judge Jonathan Langham’s injunction. "If the courts of this nation are going to be used to enjoin religious proceedings guaranteed to the people by the Constitution, then we have no legal Government. I will say you are just breeding anarchy by that sort of thing."[6] After several negotiations, by the end of August 1928, almost every mine worked as non-union. In 1929, around 50% of non-union workers left coal companies with families for new states like Ohio, seeking for new and better careers. In early 1930s, Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal reinvigorated the idea of union workers. On May 14, 1933, 700 workers joined the United Mine Workers after the speech by Philip Murray at a rally in Clymer, a town 10 miles north of Indiana. In late 1930s, the United Mine Workers helped gain over 46% of Indiana County vote for the Democratic Party, taking the place of Republican Party for the charge of local politics. After the restructure of coal marketing and regulations, the United Mine Workers were provided with the availability of collective bargaining, which largely improved the rationality of mining work and its benefit accessible to coal workers.

As one of the most significant mining strikes in the 1920s America, the Rossiter Strike revealed the extreme inequality and injustice among coal workers. It clearly showed the fact that the essentially powerful institutions, such as government, court and state police, were actually under the control of coal owners. These agencies were unfortunately driven by economic and political profits, instead of the pursuit of justice, rights. On the other hand, those coal workers had trouble with basic livings, suffered from extreme working conditions, and had no rights on enjoying freedom, health and happiness. It contradicts with the normal values and the proper relationship between industries and low-wage workers.

External reading

  • Diary Of A Strike: George Medrick And the Coal Strike Of 1927 In Western Pennsylvania, by Ronald L. Filippelli

References

  1. ^ Nathan Ellenberger: Rossiter Coal Injunction
  2. ^ Daily KOs: Class and Labours: When Singing Hymn for the Union was a Crime
  3. ^ Daily KOs: Class and Labours: When Singing Hymn for the Union was a Crime
  4. ^ Page 314, Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath
  5. ^ Page 316, Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath
  6. ^ Page 319, Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath