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{{short description|Strike by American coal miners}}
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The '''1927 Indiana bituminous strike '''was a strike by members of the [[UMWA|United Mine Workers of America (UMWA)]] against local [[Bituminous Coal|bituminous coal]] companies. Although the struggle raged throughout most of the nation's coal fields, its most serious impact was in western Pennsylvania, including [[Indiana County, Pennsylvania|Indiana County]].<ref name=PSU /> The strike began on April 1, 1927, when almost 200,000 coal miners struck the coal mining companies operating in the '''Central Competitive Field''', <ref name=CAU>{{cite book|last1=McDonald|first1=David J.|last2=Lynch|first2=Edward A.|title=Coal and Unionism|year=1939|publisher=Cornelius Printing Co.|pages=173–175}}</ref> after the two sides (management and labor) could not reach an agreement on pay rates. The UMWA was attempting to retain pay raises gained in the contracts it had negotiated in 1922 and 1924, while management, stating that it was under economic pressure from competition with the West Virginia coal mines, was seeking wage reductions.<ref name=Explore>{{cite web | url=http://explorepahistory.com/hmarker.php?markerId=1-A-2CD | title=Historical Markers | publisher=explorepahistory.com}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/ops/coal-mine.htm | title=The West Virginia Coal Mine Wars | publisher=GlobalSecurity.org}}</ref> The strike proved to be a disaster for the union, as by 1929, there were only 84,000 paying members of the union, down from 400,000 which belonged to the union in 1920.<ref name=PSU>{{cite journal | url=http://ojs.libraries.psu.edu/index.php/phj/article/view/23921/23690 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140204031127/http://ojs.libraries.psu.edu/index.php/phj/article/view/23921/23690 | url-status=dead | archive-date=February 4, 2014 | title=Diary of a Strike | journal=Pennsylvania History | volume=43 | issue=3 | pages=253–266 | publisher=Pennsylvania State University, Pennsylvania History | date=July 1976 | last1=Filippelli | first1=Ronald L. }}</ref>
The '''1927 Indiana Bituminous Strike '''was a movement led by [[UMWA|UMWA (the United Mine Workers of America)]] against Indiana County Court and local bituminous coal companies, for issuing a variety of injunctions to reduce workers' pay and cut down labour unions. It was also an effort made by the United Mine Workers of America to protect coal workers' benefits, health and dignity.

== Preview ==
In August 1927, approximately 800 Rossiter miners joined 45,000 Pennsylvania miners and 200,000 striking miners, shutting down local bituminous coal companies.


== Background ==
== Background ==
The coal industry in the United States was at the end of three decades of growth in 1920, during which production had increased five-fold.<ref name=PSU /> The UMWA had won pay hikes and a shorter work day in 1919, and preserved these gains in contracts with mine operators in 1922 and 1924. However demand, which had been artificially inflated during the World War, dropped off at the war's end. This, combined with a stagnation of coal usage through conservation efforts during the 1920s led to efforts to reduce costs by the mine operators.<ref name=PSU /> Coal miners and the United Mine Workers faced an extended crisis as coal operators sought cost reductions and pressured unionized miners to accept wage cutbacks to below the previously agreed upon rate of $7.50 per day, and even to abandon the union.<ref name=POM>{{cite web | url=http://patheoldminer.rootsweb.ancestry.com/indrossiter2.html | title=Confrontation at Rossiter | publisher=Virtual Museum of Coal Mining in Western Pennsylvania | access-date=2013-05-23 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120621104720/http://patheoldminer.rootsweb.ancestry.com/indrossiter2.html | archive-date=2012-06-21 | url-status=dead }}</ref>
The end of World War I, in the early 1920s, brought about a dramatic decline in both the coal market and the American economy. During this time, in mining towns like [[Rossiter, Pennsylvania]], coal miners were an economic and political driving force. As a result, large interest groups associated with coal companies and the local government attempted to exploit the miners for political and financial gains. Many of the large coal industries were also limited by the political powers from the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]]. These powerful institutions cut workers’ payments below the agreed union worker’s wage---$7.50 per day --- in order to reduce labour costs and compete with cheaper non-union labour in southern areas.<ref>Nathan Ellenberger: Rossiter Coal Injunction</ref> In addition, with huge work burdens, these union coal workers were badly treated. Required to work at least 14 hours per day in the tunnels, these miners had limited access to healthy food, water and were poorly provided with secure advice. They were broadly exposed to danger. Many coal miners had no protection for their health, security, or dignity. Facing such a tough situation, coal workers, supported by the UMWA (the United Mine Workers of America), sought changes by negotiation with bituminous coal companies. However, no agreements were reached and the operators were determined to cut the labour wage. With no options left, the miners turned to protest. As a result, the famous 1927 Rossiter Coal Strike began.

In 1921, miners had struck against the Clearfield Bituminous Coal Corporation in Rossiter, Pennsylvania. The strike arose when the company began to require their employees to punch a time clock. The miners refused to comply, and were backed up by the UMWA, stating that the union's permission was required to enforce the time-clock requirement, in addition to the fact that no other mine in the district employed the use of a time clock. The strike lasted approximately one month, and ended when work resumed with the time clock in use.<ref>{{cite journal|title=Pittsburgh Coal Strike|publisher=Indiana Evening Gazette|date=March 12, 1921|pages=21–22, 1921}}</ref> Northern coal mining operators, looking to reduce costs, blamed their weakened competitive position on the high and inflexible wage rates
negotiated by the union. Attempts to impose significant wage reductions, in some cases up to 50 percent, were met by a bitter strike in
1922.<ref name=PSU /><ref>{{cite journal | title=The Pennsylvania Anthracite Strike of 1922 | journal=The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography| volume=99| issue=2| pages=207–225| publisher=The Historical Society of Pennsylvania|jstor = 20090945|last1 = Kanarek|first1 = Harold K.| year=1975}}</ref> This strike was not only about wages, but over the concept of national versus district contracts. The union wanted a national contract, while the mining operators wanted contracts by districts.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.1920sera.com/industry/1922-coal-strikes/ | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140201221617/http://www.1920sera.com/industry/1922-coal-strikes/ | url-status=dead | archive-date=February 1, 2014 | title=1922 Coal Strikes | publisher=1920sera.com }}</ref> That strike lasted five months, but led to the Jacksonville agreement in 1924, wherein miners were given a $7.50 per day rate which had been agree upon in the 1920 negotiations.<ref name=PSU /> When the northern operators continued to lose market share to their southern counterparts, they asked the union for a renegotiation of the Jacksonville scale. Union President John L. Lewis refused on the grounds that the industry was undergoing a needed adjustment which, when completed, would result in fewer men and fewer mines and a stable, more prosperous industry.<ref name=PSU />

The coal mining area around Pittsburgh had always been a difficult territory for the UMWA. The presence of the nonunion Connellsville
and Westmoreland fields made it difficult for the union to hold its ground, and the diverse ethnic groups which comprised the work force made organization and collective action difficult. It was in this district where the operators took their first stand against the union. In August, 1925, the Pittsburgh Coal Company, largest in the district, closed down, rejected the Jacksonville agreement, and reopened on a nonunion basis. Numerous other companies followed its lead. In all, some 110 mines in Pennsylvania changed from union to nonunion operation during 1925.<ref name=PSU /> This led to another strike over wages in 1925, which also lasted five months.<ref>{{cite journal | title=Pennsylvania Coal and Politics | journal=The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography| volume=93| issue=2| pages=244–262| publisher=Historical Society of Pennsylvania|jstor = 20090294|last1 = Zieger|first1 = Robert H.| year=1969}}</ref>


== The strike ==
== The strike ==
In August 1927, around 800 Rossiter workers walked off the job and joined 45,000 other Pennsylvania miners and 200,000 nationwide workers in protest. They held rallies, meetings, sang hymns in churches, and encouraged other workers to join them.<ref>Daily KOs: Class and Labours: When Singing Hymn for the Union was a Crime</ref> As the strike expanded, [[J. N. Langham|Judge Jonathan Langham]], serving on the Court of Common Pleas of [[Indiana County, Pennsylvania]], published several sweeping injunctions against the protesters, putting a halt to their collective activities. He outlawed rallies, meetings, advertisement and complaints on newspapers and singing hymns. “During the infamous labour conflicts of the 1920s, Langham, who owned stock in local coal companies and whose campaigns were heavily financed by the railroads and coal companies, used the power of the bench to assist in the battles against labour and the unions.” <ref>Daily KOs: Class and Labours: When Singing Hymn for the Union was a Crime</ref> Also, a private police organization called “Coal and Iron Police” controlled the striking workers. [[Coal and Iron Police|The Coal and Iron Police]] was regulated by Indiana County but actually paid by mine owners to intimidate workers and prevent the strike from further spreading. In many areas, the Coal and Iron Police was accused of a series of inhuman behaviours, such as assault, kidnapping, rape, murder. They also invaded miners’ homes and expelled anyone inside before destroying the house and property. According to a letter sent by R.J. Evans, by October 29, 230 eviction notices had been served and 120 families had moved out.<ref>Page 314, Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath</ref> Supported by the UMWA, hundreds of workers, nearly 67 homeless families stayed in barracks made of tarpaper boards, while still facing the harassment from state police and mine guards. A J. Phillips, a strike leader, described several instances of harassment. In one instance " . . . nine state constabulary or coal and iron police, two on horses and seven walking on foot, chased our people right down on the side of the road, and crowded the people off the road....".<ref>Page 316, Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath</ref> During the time spent in the barracks, coal workers had been trying to assemble, hold meetings and negotiate about further plan. However, under the massive control and monitoring by the state, they could barely make a move.


The expiration of the Jacksonville Agreement, as well as the widespread violation of its terms by operators, gave urgency to the issue of negotiating a new agreement in 1927. Union representatives were charged to negotiate the best possible wage agreement possible as long as there was no reduction in wages. In February 1927 the union representatives met with representatives of the mining operators in Miami. The operators requested a reduction of the Jacksonville scale as well as union acceptance of the principle that wages should be tied to the changing price of coal. No agreement was reached in Miami, which led the union leadership to begin planning for a nationwide strike. The [[American Federation of Labor]], responding to a plea from John L. Lewis (the head of the UMWA), passed a resolution which called on its affiliated international unions to help the coal miners. When the Coolidge administration refused to intervene in the dispute, Secretary of Labor [[James J. Davis]] could not get the major coal operators to agree to go back to the negotiating table with the UMWA.<ref name=POM />
== Aftermath ==
In late February 1928, the [[Interstate Commerce Committee]] of the United States of America arrived in Indiana County after hearing the news. Senator Wheeler pointed out the dangerous impact and aftermath of Judge Jonathan Langham’s injunction. "If the courts of this nation are going to be used to enjoin religious proceedings guaranteed to the people by the Constitution, then we have no legal Government. I will say you are just breeding anarchy by that sort of thing."<ref>Page 319, Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath</ref> After several negotiations, by the end of August 1928, almost every mine worked as non-union. In 1929, around 50% of non-union workers left coal companies with families for new states like Ohio, seeking for new and better careers. In early 1930s, [[Franklin Roosevelt]]’s [[New Deal]] reinvigorated the idea of union workers. On May 14, 1933, 700 workers joined the United Mine Workers after the speech by Philip Murray at a rally in [[Clymer, Pennsylvania|Clymer]], a town 10 miles north of Indiana. In late 1930s, the United Mine Workers helped gain over 46% of Indiana County vote for the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]], taking the place of Republican Party for the charge of local politics. After the restructure of coal marketing and regulations, the United Mine Workers were provided with the availability of collective bargaining, which largely improved the rationality of mining work and its benefit accessible to coal workers.


On April 1, 1927, 40,000 coal miners struck in the Central Competitive Field, beginning the largest coal strike since 1922, they were supported by another 45,000 miners throughout Pennsylvania and over another 100,000 miners nationwide.<ref name=CAU /><ref name=POM /><ref name=Explore /> The 1927 strike was one of the longest and most bitter strikes in Pennsylvania coal-industry history. The walk-out effectively closed down all mining activity in the bituminous fields of western Pennsylvania.<ref name=Explore /> As time passed, other miners joined the strike, particularly those who worked for the Clearfield Bituminous Coal Corporation, in Rossiter, Pennsylvania, which became the focal point for the entire strike.
As one of the most significant mining strikes in the 1920s America, the Rossiter Strike revealed the extreme inequality and injustice among coal workers. It clearly showed the fact that the essentially powerful institutions, such as government, court and state police, were actually under the control of coal owners. These agencies were unfortunately driven by economic and political profits, instead of the pursuit of justice, rights. On the other hand, those coal workers had trouble with basic livings, suffered from extreme working conditions, and had no rights on enjoying freedom, health and happiness. It contradicts with the normal values and the proper relationship between industries and low-wage workers.


From the outset the striking miners endured intense hardships. The operators used strikebreakers, private police, injunctions, and many other antiunion tactics which had been developed during a century of industrial conflict in America. Owners also evicted 12,000 miners and their families from company housing between July and December, 1927.<ref name=PSU /><ref name=Explore /> The miners in Rossiter began to agitate, marching to other mines and encouraging their workers to join the strike.<ref name=POM />
== External reading ==
* [http://explorepahistory.com/hmarker.php?markerId=1-A-2CD Rossiter Strike Injunction Marker]


In a major setback for the union, the company brought in strikebreakers and reopened the Rossiter mine in September,<ref name=Explore /> on a non-union basis with most of its employees recruited from outside the district and paid on the lower 1917 scale.<ref name=POM /> A further, and much greater setback for the unions occurred in November, when [[J.N. Langham|Judge Jonathan Langham]], serving on the Court of Common Pleas of [[Indiana County, Pennsylvania]], published several sweeping injunctions against the protesters, putting a halt to their collective activities.<ref name=POM /><ref name=Explore /> The injunction forbade picketing, marching or gathering for meetings or rallies. It prohibited the disbursement of union funds for use by striking miners. The order also forbade newspaper advertisements and other means of communication being used to aid the cause of the strikers and convincing miners to desist from work.<ref name=POM /> But it was his final injunction which brought national attention to the conflict in Pennsylvania: He issued a prohibition against singing hymns and holding church services on the last two pieces of property in Rossiter not owned by the mining operators: lots owned by the Magyar Presbyterian Church situated directly opposite the mouth of the mine.<ref name=POM /><ref name=Explore /><ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.mcintyrepa.com/judge_langham.htm | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20020817222730/http://www.mcintyrepa.com/judge_langham.htm | url-status=dead | archive-date=August 17, 2002 | title=Judge Jonathan Langham | publisher=mcintyrepa.com }}</ref>
* [http://patheoldminer.rootsweb.ancestry.com/indrossiter2.html Confrontation at Rossiter: The Coal Strike of 1927-1928 and Its Aftermath] by Irwin M. Marcus, James P. Dougherty, and Eileen Mountjoy Cooper Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA

The publicity spawned by Langham's injunction attracted out-of-state journalists, and a United States Senate investigating committee that came to Rossiter in February 1928. The senators, who included Senator [[Robert Wagner]] of New York, heard testimony from Rossiter miners, company officials, and Langham, and pointedly questioned the judge and company attorneys about the injunction's marker denial of civil liberties and free speech. The company continued to import strikebreakers and rely on Coal and Iron Police, and by the end of August virtually every Rossiter-area mine operated on a non-union basis. In October 1928 the national strike officially ended in a major defeat for the UMWA.<ref name=Explore />


== Aftermath ==


The strike proved to be a disaster for the union. By 1929 only about 84,000 miners were paying dues. The central competitive field, the heart of the union's strength, was lost. Wage rates in the industry declined from an average of $7.50 to $5.50 per day. The work force in Pennsylvania declined by 21 percent.<ref name=PSU />
* Diary Of A Strike: George Medrick And the Coal Strike Of 1927 In Western Pennsylvania, by Ronald L. Filippelli


The national strike and events in Rossiter, however, had telling effects on Senator Wagner, bolstering his sympathy for labor. Allied with Senator George Norris and Congressman Fiorello La Guardia, Wagner co-sponsored the Norris-La Guardia Act of 1932, which greatly restricted the use of labor injunctions.<ref name=Explore />
* [http://explorepahistory.com/hmarker.php?markerId=1-A-2CD Rossiter Strike Injunction Historical Marker] — ExplorePaHistory.com:


In 1933 Wagner sponsored the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), which called for collective bargaining between unions and management. This act enabled the UMWA to resume its growth with membership reaching 400,000 in 1934. In 1935, after the United States Supreme Court invalidated the NIRA, Wagner sponsored the National Labor Relations Act, which reinstated the NIRA's collective bargaining provisions and established the National Labor Relations Board to hold union elections and prevent unfair labor practices.<ref name=Explore /> Also in 1935, the US Senator from Pennsylvania sponsored the Guffey Coal Conservation Act. This measure, enacted in 1935, regulated the price and marketing structure of coal industry with provisions which guaranteed collective bargaining. It also stipulated uniform scales of wages and hours and created a national commission which would fix prices and regulate production.<ref name=POM />
* [http://books.google.com/books/about/Workers_in_America_A_Historical_Encyclop.html?id=PnJ7PmAyi_MC Workers in America: A Historical Encyclopedia] by Robert E. Weir


==References==
==References==
<references/>
<references/>


[[Category:Strikes (protest)]]
[[Category:April 1927 events]]
[[Category:1927 in Pennsylvania]]
[[Category:Miners' labor disputes in the United States]]
[[Category:1927 labor disputes and strikes]]
[[Category:Labor disputes in Pennsylvania]]
[[Category:Labor disputes led by the United Mine Workers of America]]
[[Category:1920s strikes in the United States]]
[[Category:Indiana County, Pennsylvania]]

Latest revision as of 14:11, 25 June 2023

The 1927 Indiana bituminous strike was a strike by members of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) against local bituminous coal companies. Although the struggle raged throughout most of the nation's coal fields, its most serious impact was in western Pennsylvania, including Indiana County.[1] The strike began on April 1, 1927, when almost 200,000 coal miners struck the coal mining companies operating in the Central Competitive Field, [2] after the two sides (management and labor) could not reach an agreement on pay rates. The UMWA was attempting to retain pay raises gained in the contracts it had negotiated in 1922 and 1924, while management, stating that it was under economic pressure from competition with the West Virginia coal mines, was seeking wage reductions.[3][4] The strike proved to be a disaster for the union, as by 1929, there were only 84,000 paying members of the union, down from 400,000 which belonged to the union in 1920.[1]

Background

[edit]

The coal industry in the United States was at the end of three decades of growth in 1920, during which production had increased five-fold.[1] The UMWA had won pay hikes and a shorter work day in 1919, and preserved these gains in contracts with mine operators in 1922 and 1924. However demand, which had been artificially inflated during the World War, dropped off at the war's end. This, combined with a stagnation of coal usage through conservation efforts during the 1920s led to efforts to reduce costs by the mine operators.[1] Coal miners and the United Mine Workers faced an extended crisis as coal operators sought cost reductions and pressured unionized miners to accept wage cutbacks to below the previously agreed upon rate of $7.50 per day, and even to abandon the union.[5]

In 1921, miners had struck against the Clearfield Bituminous Coal Corporation in Rossiter, Pennsylvania. The strike arose when the company began to require their employees to punch a time clock. The miners refused to comply, and were backed up by the UMWA, stating that the union's permission was required to enforce the time-clock requirement, in addition to the fact that no other mine in the district employed the use of a time clock. The strike lasted approximately one month, and ended when work resumed with the time clock in use.[6] Northern coal mining operators, looking to reduce costs, blamed their weakened competitive position on the high and inflexible wage rates negotiated by the union. Attempts to impose significant wage reductions, in some cases up to 50 percent, were met by a bitter strike in 1922.[1][7] This strike was not only about wages, but over the concept of national versus district contracts. The union wanted a national contract, while the mining operators wanted contracts by districts.[8] That strike lasted five months, but led to the Jacksonville agreement in 1924, wherein miners were given a $7.50 per day rate which had been agree upon in the 1920 negotiations.[1] When the northern operators continued to lose market share to their southern counterparts, they asked the union for a renegotiation of the Jacksonville scale. Union President John L. Lewis refused on the grounds that the industry was undergoing a needed adjustment which, when completed, would result in fewer men and fewer mines and a stable, more prosperous industry.[1]

The coal mining area around Pittsburgh had always been a difficult territory for the UMWA. The presence of the nonunion Connellsville and Westmoreland fields made it difficult for the union to hold its ground, and the diverse ethnic groups which comprised the work force made organization and collective action difficult. It was in this district where the operators took their first stand against the union. In August, 1925, the Pittsburgh Coal Company, largest in the district, closed down, rejected the Jacksonville agreement, and reopened on a nonunion basis. Numerous other companies followed its lead. In all, some 110 mines in Pennsylvania changed from union to nonunion operation during 1925.[1] This led to another strike over wages in 1925, which also lasted five months.[9]

The strike

[edit]

The expiration of the Jacksonville Agreement, as well as the widespread violation of its terms by operators, gave urgency to the issue of negotiating a new agreement in 1927. Union representatives were charged to negotiate the best possible wage agreement possible as long as there was no reduction in wages. In February 1927 the union representatives met with representatives of the mining operators in Miami. The operators requested a reduction of the Jacksonville scale as well as union acceptance of the principle that wages should be tied to the changing price of coal. No agreement was reached in Miami, which led the union leadership to begin planning for a nationwide strike. The American Federation of Labor, responding to a plea from John L. Lewis (the head of the UMWA), passed a resolution which called on its affiliated international unions to help the coal miners. When the Coolidge administration refused to intervene in the dispute, Secretary of Labor James J. Davis could not get the major coal operators to agree to go back to the negotiating table with the UMWA.[5]

On April 1, 1927, 40,000 coal miners struck in the Central Competitive Field, beginning the largest coal strike since 1922, they were supported by another 45,000 miners throughout Pennsylvania and over another 100,000 miners nationwide.[2][5][3] The 1927 strike was one of the longest and most bitter strikes in Pennsylvania coal-industry history. The walk-out effectively closed down all mining activity in the bituminous fields of western Pennsylvania.[3] As time passed, other miners joined the strike, particularly those who worked for the Clearfield Bituminous Coal Corporation, in Rossiter, Pennsylvania, which became the focal point for the entire strike.

From the outset the striking miners endured intense hardships. The operators used strikebreakers, private police, injunctions, and many other antiunion tactics which had been developed during a century of industrial conflict in America. Owners also evicted 12,000 miners and their families from company housing between July and December, 1927.[1][3] The miners in Rossiter began to agitate, marching to other mines and encouraging their workers to join the strike.[5]

In a major setback for the union, the company brought in strikebreakers and reopened the Rossiter mine in September,[3] on a non-union basis with most of its employees recruited from outside the district and paid on the lower 1917 scale.[5] A further, and much greater setback for the unions occurred in November, when Judge Jonathan Langham, serving on the Court of Common Pleas of Indiana County, Pennsylvania, published several sweeping injunctions against the protesters, putting a halt to their collective activities.[5][3] The injunction forbade picketing, marching or gathering for meetings or rallies. It prohibited the disbursement of union funds for use by striking miners. The order also forbade newspaper advertisements and other means of communication being used to aid the cause of the strikers and convincing miners to desist from work.[5] But it was his final injunction which brought national attention to the conflict in Pennsylvania: He issued a prohibition against singing hymns and holding church services on the last two pieces of property in Rossiter not owned by the mining operators: lots owned by the Magyar Presbyterian Church situated directly opposite the mouth of the mine.[5][3][10]

The publicity spawned by Langham's injunction attracted out-of-state journalists, and a United States Senate investigating committee that came to Rossiter in February 1928. The senators, who included Senator Robert Wagner of New York, heard testimony from Rossiter miners, company officials, and Langham, and pointedly questioned the judge and company attorneys about the injunction's marker denial of civil liberties and free speech. The company continued to import strikebreakers and rely on Coal and Iron Police, and by the end of August virtually every Rossiter-area mine operated on a non-union basis. In October 1928 the national strike officially ended in a major defeat for the UMWA.[3]


Aftermath

[edit]

The strike proved to be a disaster for the union. By 1929 only about 84,000 miners were paying dues. The central competitive field, the heart of the union's strength, was lost. Wage rates in the industry declined from an average of $7.50 to $5.50 per day. The work force in Pennsylvania declined by 21 percent.[1]

The national strike and events in Rossiter, however, had telling effects on Senator Wagner, bolstering his sympathy for labor. Allied with Senator George Norris and Congressman Fiorello La Guardia, Wagner co-sponsored the Norris-La Guardia Act of 1932, which greatly restricted the use of labor injunctions.[3]

In 1933 Wagner sponsored the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), which called for collective bargaining between unions and management. This act enabled the UMWA to resume its growth with membership reaching 400,000 in 1934. In 1935, after the United States Supreme Court invalidated the NIRA, Wagner sponsored the National Labor Relations Act, which reinstated the NIRA's collective bargaining provisions and established the National Labor Relations Board to hold union elections and prevent unfair labor practices.[3] Also in 1935, the US Senator from Pennsylvania sponsored the Guffey Coal Conservation Act. This measure, enacted in 1935, regulated the price and marketing structure of coal industry with provisions which guaranteed collective bargaining. It also stipulated uniform scales of wages and hours and created a national commission which would fix prices and regulate production.[5]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Filippelli, Ronald L. (July 1976). "Diary of a Strike". Pennsylvania History. 43 (3). Pennsylvania State University, Pennsylvania History: 253–266. Archived from the original on February 4, 2014.
  2. ^ a b McDonald, David J.; Lynch, Edward A. (1939). Coal and Unionism. Cornelius Printing Co. pp. 173–175.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j "Historical Markers". explorepahistory.com.
  4. ^ "The West Virginia Coal Mine Wars". GlobalSecurity.org.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i "Confrontation at Rossiter". Virtual Museum of Coal Mining in Western Pennsylvania. Archived from the original on 2012-06-21. Retrieved 2013-05-23.
  6. ^ "Pittsburgh Coal Strike". Indiana Evening Gazette. March 12, 1921: 21–22, 1921. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  7. ^ Kanarek, Harold K. (1975). "The Pennsylvania Anthracite Strike of 1922". The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. 99 (2). The Historical Society of Pennsylvania: 207–225. JSTOR 20090945.
  8. ^ "1922 Coal Strikes". 1920sera.com. Archived from the original on February 1, 2014.
  9. ^ Zieger, Robert H. (1969). "Pennsylvania Coal and Politics". The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. 93 (2). Historical Society of Pennsylvania: 244–262. JSTOR 20090294.
  10. ^ "Judge Jonathan Langham". mcintyrepa.com. Archived from the original on August 17, 2002.